"More from Public Occurrences."

This is an occasionally posted partial list of articles that don't appear on the first page of Public Occurrences.

Boycott Citgo. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2006/09/hugo-cesar-chavez-and-citgo-boycott.html

Leonardo Barquin. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2009/06/sao-barquin-shooting-close-out-memo.html

Wonderful Norway! http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2009/10/norway.html

October, 1960. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2003/01/october-1960.html

Ward Churchill. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2007/07/ward-churchillclair-hullchurch-ladi-wr.html

Could We Be a New Yorker Reader? http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2006/01/could-we-be-new-yorker-reader-parte_04.html

Murder Case Photographs. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2006/08/murder-case-photographs-4.html

Nobel Prize. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2009/10/gasps-of-astonishment.html

Errata. http://publicoccurrenc.blogspot.com/2009/10/errata.html

Politics & Justice in the Miami-Dade State Attorney's Office.

The Murder of Lynne Friend


Ed O’Dell tried to reach Lynne when he didn’t hear back from her that Sunday night. He called and left messages on her answering machine. In his soft southern accent the love and concern is audible.

The moving van arrived as scheduled first thing Monday morning. They left, documenting that they had attempted, unsuccessful, contact with Lynne.

Several calls were placed to the police reporting the abandoned car on the side of the road by the field.

It was Esther Sanchez however who made the missing persons report to police. That was on Monday. She had also left messages on Lynne’s answering machine. There was alarm in her voice. She knew what had happened.

And so the investigation, now 17 years old, began.

It began, as all murder investigations do, with concentric circles of interviews, starting with those closest to the victim and moving outward. Among those in the first circle were Esther Sanchez, Ed O’Dell and Clifford Friend.

As I recall* Clifford was interviewed on that first day, Monday. A uniform officer from one of the municipal departments that shared jurisdiction in the case conducted the routine interview and wrote a report. Cliff told the officer that he had last heard from Lynne on Friday night, August 26, when she had come over to pick up a child support check. The officer didn’t know then about the phone call with Ed O’Dell on Sunday night, the one that was interrupted by a call from Cliff at approximately 8:15. No one in law enforcement knew about that call then.

Esther Sanchez was interviewed by a different officer from, as I recall, a different law enforcement agency. She told the police about the divorce, about threats that Lynne had told her Cliff had made, about the bitter custody battle over little Christian, about Lynne’s fear.

Ed O’Dell flew down from Tennessee to be interviewed. Mr. O’Dell is the nicest of men and very successful in business, which requires shrewdness. Mr. O’Dell must be shrewd or he wouldn’t be so successful. You didn’t have to be shrewd though to have realized, say at about 9 pm on Sunday, that Lynne had been murdered. Yet Mr. O’Dell did not contact the police, not Sunday or Monday. The police contacted him. Once they did, Mr. O’Dell couldn’t have been more cooperative and forthcoming—later he ended up spending many thousands of his own dollars financing a continuation of a misconceived sea search for Lynne’s body. I think the murder of Lynne was well-planned enough that even if Mr. O’Dell had called the police at 9 pm on Sunday the murder wouldn’t have been prevented nor would the perpetrators have been caught immediately thereafter, but the police got a later start than they need have.

This case was never a whodunit however. By the time that first, immediate, circle of people had been interviewed the main subject was known, Clifford Friend. The investigation has dragged on for seventeen years not because the case has gone unsolved, but because of a hard-to-believe series of events that delayed it, and by neglect, laziness and incompetence on the part of (in alphabetical order) the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, the Miami-Dade Police Department, and the Miami-Dade State Attorney’s Office.

*This is written from memory. When I am reasonably certain of something I will write it without qualification. When, as here, I am not, I will qualify it. Clifford Friend was interviewed by police but whether or not it was on that first day, Monday, I am not reasonably certain.

-to be continued

China's Great Wall of Silence: "Remembrance," The Translation. Song Binbin

Chinese do not argue well.

China's Great Wall of Silence: "Remembrance," The Translation. Song Binbin

6. On Song Binbin

主持人：上网查找“宋彬彬”，内容虽然五花八门，但是指向基本一致，就是欠了七八条人命。千家驹《自撰年谱》称：“宋彬彬和人比赛，哪一个红卫兵打死了六个人，她为了胜过那个人，就打死了八个人”。我相信，当年在校的老三届1600多名学生，不论对她有什么看法，绝大多数人看了这一条都会发笑。所以，在这个访谈的最后，要请宋彬彬讲讲关于她自己的事。请先说说“宋要武”的来历。

Host: Searching ‘Song Binbin’ on the Internet, one gets very different results. But all of them have one theme: Song killed seven or eight people. Qian Jia-ju says in his : Song Binbin competed killing people with others. A red guard killed six. In order to win the competition, Song killed eight’. I believe all the 1600 students in the High School at that time would laugh at this statement, no matter what opinion she had towards Song. So I would invite Song talk about herself, starting from the name of  Song Yaowu’.

宋彬彬： 我班同学记得，8·18下午回到学校后很多人过来跟我握手，还有人开玩笑：“彬彬，你以后就改名叫要武吧！”我说那是毛主席说的，我不配。

当天下午，《光明日报》一位男记者到学校来采访我，他问毛接见我的情况，我就把那两句话讲了，再多也没有了。他让我写下来，我不写，说就这么两句话有什么好写的。后来我还和几个同学说起记者约稿的事，她们也说就这两句话有啥可写的？不写。

Song: My classmates may remember that after we returned to school on August 18, many people came to shake hands with me. Some said to me: ‘Binbin, you’d better change your name to “yaowu”’.  I said that was what Chairman Mao said, but I didn’t deserve it.  That afternoon, a man journalist from the Guangming Daily came to school and interviewed me.  He asked me the situation when seeing Chairman Mao. I told him about the dialogue of the two sentences. He asked me to write it down. I didn’t write, saying that it was not necessary to write just two sentences. I denied. Later I talked to some schoolmates about the journalist’s request. They all agreed to not writing.

可是没想到，8月20日《光明日报》发表了一篇文章，题目是“我给毛主席戴上红袖章”，署名宋要武括号宋彬彬。当时我看到那篇文章非常生气，对班里同学说，别说宋要武，现在连宋彬彬这个名字我也不想要了。毛主席和我的简单对话，我班同学没有人认为那是毛要我改名，40多年来同学们没有一个人喊过我宋要武。

However, I never expected that on August 20, the Guangming Daily published an article in the title of “I put red armband to Chairman Mao’. The author was Song Yaowu (Song Binbin).  I was very angry when reading this article, and told classmates that I wanted to take neither Song Yaowu nor Song Binbin. My classmates didn’t think that Mao requested me to change name in that simple dialogue. And no classmate has ever called me Song Yaowu in last 40 years since then.

后来我一直想找到那个记者，希望他能站出来，说句公道话。先后找过相关的人，都说那个时候不实行实名制，不知道谁写的。

Later I always intended to find that reporter, hoping he would come out and do me justice. I have talked to relevant people, but was told that reporters didn’t sign true names at that time, therefore there was no way to find him.

主持人：我看过有人写的文章，说师大女附中也改名“红色要武中学”了，很可笑。当时我看见红纸黑字“红色要武中学”贴在校牌上，16岁的我心里一直在冷笑。当年在校的老师学生谁能接受这个名字？它比师大女附中好听吗？没过几天红纸就被扯干净了。

Host: I read an article, saying the School for Girls had changed the name to ‘Red Yaowu High School’. It is funny. At that time I saw the sign of ‘Red Yaowu High School’, feeling bad at heart. I was 16 then.  No teacher or student could accept this name. Is it better than the High School for Girls? The sign was torn off after a few days.

 宋彬彬：8月21日《人民日报》转载了《光明日报》那篇文章，立刻就在全国传开了，我是百口难辩，再说什么都没人信了。后来经常有外边的人来学校看我，看到我都很失望：“你怎么是这样啊？一点儿不是我们想象中的样子。

Song: On August 21, the article was reproduced by People’s Daily, and spread over the whole nation immediately. I was not able to clear things out. Nobody would believe the truth that I would tell. Later many people from other places came to see me, and they were disappointed when seeing me.  They said: how come you look like this?  You are not like what we liked to see.   

8月19日我和刘进宣布退出“筹委会”以后，基本上就退出了学校的运动，成了逍遥派。我们班保工作组的人都成了逍遥派，我们成立了一个小组叫“中流击水”，有人说我们是“中午击水”，因为每天中午我们都到八一湖去游泳。当时名字的问题给我很大烦恼，我说，我不叫宋要武，也不能叫宋彬彬了，我们小组的同学说这么办吧，咱们翻字典，翻到哪儿算哪儿。一个同学拿来一本字典，随便翻了一页，手指“岩”字，我觉得可以，就在那个时候改名叫宋岩，以后插队、工作都是叫宋岩。

After Liu Jin and I announced to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19, I basically withdrew from the school’s movement, becoming a free person. All my classmates defending the work team became free people. We established a group called ‘hitting the water in the middle of the river’.  Some people called us ‘hitting the water in the middle of day’, as we went swimming in the lake every noon. My name upset me a lot. I didn’t like Song Yaowu, but could not return to Song Binbin, either. People in my group proposed that we would browse a dictionary, and randomly pick a character. A classmate brought a dictionary, randomly went to a page, and pointed to a character with her finger. Her finger was on the character ‘Yan2’(rock).  I felt it OK, and changed my name to Song Yan.  After that I used Song Yan in the countryside and work. 

于羚：当时我们学校来的信都在门房（传达室）里，有个大纸盒子，学生都去那儿找信。我是住校生，父母都调外地工作了，我的家信比较多，总跑去看信。给我印象特别深的是，“八一八”过后，传达室大纸盒子里的信骤增，铺天盖地的都是“宋要武收”。 当时我就认为这个名字是强加给宋彬彬的，我不认为宋彬彬愿意改这个名字，那时我并不认识她。现在看来，所谓改名的始作俑者，就是《光明日报》记者，他的那篇文章将“宋要武”凝固成一个符号，但“宋要武”从来就不是宋彬彬。

Yu Ling: At the time, all incoming letters to the school were in the reception room. There was a big box. Students always looked for their letters in it. I was a boarding student, as my parents had been transferred to another city.  Receiving more letters, I often went to collect them. I was deeply impressed that after August 18, incoming letters in the big box suddenly increased. All of them were addressed to Song Yaowu. At that time I didn’t know her in person. Now it is clear that the name change was started by the reporter of Guangming Daily. His article symbolized ‘Song Yaowu.  But this ‘Song Yaowu’has never been Song Binbin.   

主持人：高三1班刘沂伦也说拆看过不少信，多得根本看不完，也没多大意思。信的内容基本上是两类，一类是向“宋要武”表示致敬、学习，决心“把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底”，一类是向“宋要武”汇报他们那里文化大革命如何遇到挫折了，走资派或保皇派如何压制造反派了，希望“宋要武”能去支持他们。有一封信是从武汉一个学校寄来的，信中说，“宋要武”在武汉发表言论支持保皇派，保湖北省委，“我们革命造反派感到非常失望和愤怒”，希望她悬崖勒马。由此刘沂伦知道宋彬彬到武汉去了一趟，在武汉做了“保皇派”。

宋彬彬，除了8·18上天安门戴袖章的事，很多人对你的武汉之行有深刻记忆，网上也有各种传说，下面请你谈谈为什么去武汉，在那里做了什么？

Host: Liu Yilun at class 1 of senior high grade 3 also opened many letters, too many to read. The letters were mostly meaningless, and could belong to two categories. One was to pay respect to Song Yaowu, learn from her, and was determined to carry the cultural revolution to the end. The other type was to tell her that the cultural revolution was subdued, the capitalist-roaders suppressed the rebel faction, and hoped that Song could come and support them. A letter from a school in Wuhan said that Song Yaowu supported royalists and defended the Hubei Provincial Committee, ‘We revolutionary rebel faction are feeling very disappointed and angry,’and hoping she will act in the nick of time. Therefore, Liu Yilun knew that Song had a trip to Wuhan, and defended the provincial committee there. Song Binbin, besides the event of August 18, many people deeply remember your trip to Wuhan. There are various legends on the Internet. Please tell us why you went to Wuhan, and what you did over there?      

叶维丽：我插一句，因为湖北这事有一个署名传单，白纸黑字，在我们低年级学生印象中，觉得你用过宋要武这个名字，至少在我印象里是这样。第一次刘进介绍我跟你面谈时，我一上来就对你说：“你在卡玛的电影里说，从来没用过‘宋要武’这个名字，把话说满了。”理由就是我当年的那个印象。当时你很不愿意谈去湖北的事，也就没有谈。这个事情我觉得到了应该澄清的时候了。

Ye Weili: I beg to interpose. You signed the name of Song Yaowu in a pamphlet published in Hubei. So we thought you used this name. At our first meeting connected by Liu Jin, I said to you: “You said in Karma’s movie that you never used the name of ‘Song Yaowu.’ That statement was not completely true.” The reason comes exactly from your trip to Wuhan. At that time you didn’t like to talk about that trip, and I didn’t insist. I am feeling that it is time now for you talk about it.

宋彬彬：2007年12月25日圣诞节那天，我参加班里十几个同学的一个聚会，有同学提到了这件事，并回忆起我当年说过的话，大家鼓励我写出当年的经过。关于去武汉这件事，我一直不想说，担心伤害到别人。我班一个同学曾在湖北黄石工作，她说当地很多人因为我支持了保守派，都特别恨我。我想我已经被骂了，骂多骂少都一样，反正我就是不愿意讲武汉的事。

Song Binbin: On December 25, 2007, I attended a party with more than 10 classmates. Someone mentioned this trip, and recalled what I said then.  They encouraged me to write my experience with it. I didn’t like to talk about the trip to Wuhan, in order not to hurt other people. One of my classmates worked in Hubei. She said that many people there hated me. I was scolded many times, but still was not willing to talk about the Wuhan trip.

事情是这样的，湖北省委书记王任重文革初期是中央文革小组成员，他找我和刘进去钓鱼台，动员我们两个到武汉去，时间是“八一八”之后。因为家长之间的关系，王任重认得我们俩。他还找了清华附中骆小海、卜大华等比较有名、有影响的学生，想动员我们到湖北去保省委。

Now I will talk my trip to Hubei. Wang Renzhong, Hubei’s provincial Party secretary, was a member of the cultural revolution group of the central committee in early cultural revolution. He invited Liu Jin and I to Diao Yu Tai, and asked us to go to Wuhan. The time was after August 18. Due to the relationship between parents, Wang Renzhong knew two of us. He also invited Luo Xiaohai, Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University. He invited all of us to Hubei, to defend the provincial committee.

刘进：王任重说湖北省委是革命的，现在有人反对省委，这件事可能是有什么背景的。他当时背了一段毛主席语录，然后就问咱们怎么办？你马上说，那不行啊，不能让他们反对省委。王任重说：“那你们能不能去一趟武汉？”我说不是让自己解放自己吗？怎么还让我们去呀？我当时是脱口而出，没有多想什么，就觉得和“自己解放自己”的精神不一样，干嘛让我们去呀，湖北还有湖北人呢！然后王任重就问你：“彬彬，那你呢？”你说你可以去。

Liu Jin: Wang Renzhong said that the Hubei Provincial Committee was revolutionary. But some people were opposed to it, which might have a background. He recited a quotation from Chairman, and asked us what to do?  You said immediately that you were not allowed to oppose the provincial committee. Wang Renzhong said: ‘Can you go to Wuhan?’I said: ‘Are people encouraged to liberate themselves? Why are we asked to go? I blurted out the words, and didn’t think much, but felt it was not in the spirit of ‘liberating selves’. ‘Why do we have to go? Are there people in Hubei?’Then Wang Renzhong asked you: ‘Binbin, what about you?’ You said you could go.   

宋彬彬：我答应去武汉，是基于对王任重的信任。抗战时期他是我父亲的老部下，在大灾荒中他俩还同拉一个犁杖耕过地，父亲曾经说过王任重是冀南军区四大才子之一。实际上去武汉的许多细节我都记不清了，是在近年调查中，渐渐串起来的记忆碎片。

Song Binbin: I agreed to go to Wuhan, because I trusted Wang Renzhong. He was my father’s long-time subordinate during the war against Japan. He and my father pulled same plow during the great hunger. My father praised Wang as one of four talents in his army.  In fact I don’t remember many details in Wuhan, but pieces of memory were recalled in the investigation in recent years.

我是1966年9月初去的武汉。到武汉后，我们被安排住在湖北省委第二招待所（在我们之后来的清华附中骆小海、卜大华也住这儿）。随后就有好多保守派大学生来找我，让我们支持他们。我说我们得先到大学去看一下，看完以后再做结论。我们去了好几所大学和武钢，看大字报、开座谈会，跑了几天，大家讨论的结果是：湖北省委基本是好的，应该三七开。我们就写了个草稿让他们先看看。一天早上，我们看到了《长江日报》夹带着署名宋要武等5人的公开信，非常惊讶。公开信不是我们的原稿，做了很大的改动，不但措辞激烈，还夹带着当时流行的骂人粗话。当时我一看到“宋要武”三个字，就非常气愤，立即去湖北省委找到负责同志询问。他和我谈了很长时间，声泪俱下地说：“我们跟着毛主席爬雪山过草地，抗战八年吃了多少苦，牺牲了多少同志，现在要打倒我们，我们怎么会是反党、反毛主席的人呢？”*

I went to Wuhan in early September 1966. Upon arrival, we were accommodated in a provincial hotel.  After us, Luo Xiaohai and Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University also arrived and stayed there. College students defending the provincial committee came to see us for our support. I said we had to visit universities, to reach conclusion.  We visited several universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, reading big-character posters and calling conferences. We discussed after a few days, and the conclusion was: Hubei Provincial Committee basically was good, with 30% failure and 70% success. We drafted an article for them to read. In a morning, we read an open letter in the Yangtze Daily, signed by Song Yaowu and other 4 people, and were very surprised. The open letter was not our draft but very different from it. Not only wording was intense, but also mixed with prevalent vulgar language. I was very upset when seeing ‘Song Yaowu’, and immediately went to the provincial committee to talk the person in charge. He talked to me for a long time, and cried: ‘We followed Chairman Mao to climb the snowy mountains, cross the grassland, go through the hardship in anti-Japan war, and many comrades have died. Now they try to get to us. How can we be anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao?’

*说老实话，我非常同情他们，不相信他们会是反党反毛主席的走资派。我说，我们可以声明支持省委，但你们也要实事求是，那个公开信不是我写的，你们不能以我的名义发表，而且我也不叫“宋要武”。他们同意我写一份声明，然后交给省委印发。当晚我就写好了声明，我觉得湖北省委是好的，不同意打倒湖北省委，也不愿意看到两派群众的对立。可是他们突然通知我，说我父亲病重，火车票已经给我们5人买好了，我心里着急就把写好的声明交给了他们，请他们给予发表。回家一见到我妈，就问我爸得了什么病，我妈说你爸没病啊。我这才明白，实际上是湖北省委想支走我。*

Frankly, I was very sympathetic with them, and didn’t believe they were capitalist-roaders of anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao. I said that we could make a statement to support the provincial committee, but they had to be realistic, too. I didn’t write the open letter. It could not be published in my name. And my name was not Song Yaowu.  They agreed that I would write a statement, and gave to the provincial committee to print and distribute. At that night I finished writing the statement, saying the Hubei Provincial Committee was good, and I didn’t agree to knock it down, and didn’t like to see the opposition of the two factions of people, either. But they suddenly told me that my father was very sick, and they had purchased the train tickets for us five people. I worried a lot, and gave them the statement, and asked them to publish. Arriving home, I asked what the matter was with my father. My mom answered that my father was not sick. At that time I realized that the Hubei Provincial Committee was trying to send me away.

*我跟妈妈讲了经过，她劝我以后不要再提这事了。妈妈说他们那样做的确不对，但他们是在危难关头，已经被斗、被打、被逼无奈了，处于那种情况下，他们不得不出此下策，就是想利用“宋要武”的名声保自己，而你却那么较真儿，还要写什么声明，人家是拿你没办法了才想的招儿。听了妈妈的话，我觉得我可以理解这件事，自那以后我从没提过武汉之行，直到现在。

I told my mom about the trip. She advised me not to mention it again. She said it was incorrect for them to do this, but they were at a juncture of calamity, had been denounced and beaten up, and had no way out. Under that circumstance, they adopted this trick of taking advantage of the name of Song Yaowu to protect themselves. But I took it too earnestly, and intended to publish a statement. Without any other way out, they sent me away.  Listening to mother’s words, I felt to be able to understand those people. Since then I never discussed the trip to Wuhan, until now. 

主持人：我这里有那份夹在《长江日报》中的传单，题目是《致北京、武汉革命同学的公开信》，全文不到3000字，公开信发表时间是1966年9月6日，署名宋要武  华小康  刘静梓  朱培  潘小红，后4人是高一2班学生。

Host: I have here the pamphlet inserted in the Yangtze Daily, in the title of ‘An open letter to the revolutionary students in Beijing and Wuhan’. The whole letter consists of less than 3000 characters. The letter was published on September 6, 1966, and was signed by Song Yaowu, Hua Xiaokang, Liu Jingzi, Zhu Pei and Pan Xiaohong. The latter four people were students from class 2 of senior high grade 1.

刘进：刘静子（传单写成刘静梓）写过文章，说到当年的事。她们到武汉后，借了几辆自行车，去武汉大学、华中工学院等多所高校和武钢看大字报，开座谈会，讨论湖北省委到底该不该打倒，取得了共识，认为是革命的就打不倒。但对省委的功过多少开，意见是分歧的。*

Liu Jin: Liu Jingzi wrote an article about the trip. After arriving in Wuhan, they borrowed a few bicycles and went to University of Wuhan, Central China Engineering College, several other universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, to read big-character posters, call conferences, and discuss whether the provincial committee needed to be knocked down. Consensus was reached that the provincial committee should not be knocked down as it was revolutionary. But there were different opinions on the provincial committee’s merits and demerits.

*宋彬彬被省委叫去谈话，回来后心情激动，把原来的三七开变成了二八开。宋彬彬和张小康——传单上是华小康，一人执笔一人口述，开始打草稿，内容多为分析和说理，写得像温吞水。她们没想到草稿变成铅字公开发表时，文章不但被改得面目全非，而且还有很多骂人的话，是杀气腾腾的“右派宣言”。当她们拿到传单时“全体都傻了，尤其忘不了宋彬彬的表情”，大家一致认为得写个声明，说清文章不是她们写的，不能代表她们的观点。后来，湖北省委给她们买好了火车票，把她们打发走了。

Song Binbin was invited by the provincial committee to talk. She was excited when coming back. She changed the original 30% failure versus 70% success to 20% failure versus 80% success. Song Binbin and Zhang Xiaokang started to draft an article, with one person dictating and the other writing. The content mostly was analysis and reasoning, so was quite mild. But they never expected that when the draft was published, it was totally changed, and lots of names callings were added. It became an ultra-rightist declaration. They were all stunned when seeing the pamphlet, in particular Song Binbin’s expression. All of them thought they had to write a statement, to say they didn’t write the article.  It was not their opinion. Later, the Hubei provincial committee purchased train tickets, and sent them away.

主持人：我看这事一说就清楚了，湖北省委扛不住了，想利用北京来的学生，特别是“宋要武”这三个字，震慑一下造反的本地学生。从8月19日声明退出“筹委会”以后到文革结束，除了武汉事件以外，还有与你有关的事吗？

Host: This matter is clear. The Hubei Provincial Committee was not able to work by itself, and intended to intimidate the local rebel students with students from Beijing, particularly ‘Song Yaowu’.  From announcing to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19 to the end of cultural revolution, did you take part in any other relevant activities, besides the trip to Wuhan?

宋彬彬：没有。关于我在文革初期参与的活动，基本上就是这些。请允许我利用这个机会，在此郑重声明：我从来没有参加或组织过任何打人、抄家、斗同学等暴力或过激行动；除了武汉这件事以外，我也没有参与过外地红卫兵、保守派或造反派的任何活动。

Song:  No. That’s all of my activities in the early cultural revolution. I would take this opportunity to make a statement: I’ve never taken part in or organized any violence or radical activities such as beating, searching house or denouncing students. Except for the trip to Wuhan, I’ve never taken part in any activities of conservative or rebel factions in other places.

叶维丽：去年《南方周末》有一篇纪念汶川地震一周年的文章， 题目叫《不要让地震成为一个传说》，我读后就想，我们也不能让文革成为一个传说。关于宋彬彬的事情，今天确实成了传说。

Ye Weili: Last year,‘The Southern Weekend’ published an article to mark the 1^st anniversary of the Wenchuan earthquake.  The title is’Don’t let the earthquake to become a legend. We should not allow the cultural revolution to become a legend, either.  Song Binbin has indeed become a legend.

主持人：前年我看到王容芬女士的一篇文章，文中提到了原师大女附中老师林莽（又名陈洪涛）讲的一件事：文革中宋彬彬穿着绸衬衫、花裙子，身旁站着高大的男生，提审他和一位历史老师。他遭到了那个大个男生和几个女红卫兵的毒打。那天夜里他决定和母亲一起触电自杀，但没死成。林莽的这一说法完全是张冠李戴。那位历史老师证实，林莽讲的事情发生在1968年下半年工宣队进校后“清理阶级队伍”时期。当时66届学生基本离校，部分就业，大部下乡插队。学校恢复招生，就近入学，才有了男生。事实上，该历史老师也并没有和林莽一起被提审过，林先生更不可能见过宋彬彬——那时候，宋彬彬已被“四人帮”的亲信软禁在沈阳。可见，王容芬的文章中所写的宋彬彬也是关于她的传说之一。

Host: In the year before last, I read an article by Ms. Wang Rongfen, which mentioned a story by Lin Mang (another name of this person is Chen Hongtao). During the culture revolution, Song Binbin once wore silk shirt and fancy skirt, with a tall boy student standing by her, interrogated Lin and a teacher of history. He was beaten up by the boy student and several female red guards. That night he decided to commit suicide with electricity together with his mother, but failed to die.  That teacher of history has verified that the event happened after the worker propaganda team came to the school in 1968 when all graduates of 1966 had left. Some worked in Beijing, most went to the countryside. The school had recruited new students including both boys and girls. In fact, that teacher of history was not interrogated with Lin Mang. Mr. Lin was not possible to meet Song Binbin, either.  At that time, Song was house arrested in Shenyang by the Gang of Four’s accomplice. Obviously, Wang Rongfen’s article is another legend of Song Binbin.  

宋彬彬：我接着把自己的事大概讲一下。1967年初，邓小平被打倒后，江青把我父亲打为东北最大的走资派。她在一次会上大骂我父亲保刘邓，反毛主席，还说宋任穷的鬼女儿跑到武汉去保湖北省委如何如何。1968年4月初，我和母亲被“四人帮”的亲信押送到沈阳，妈妈被关押在东北局替爸爸挨批斗，不许回家，后来又被押到干校劳改。而我被软禁起来，不允许和外界有任何联系。

Song: Let me continue my story.  In early 1967 after Deng Xiaoping was down, Jiang Qing labeled my father as the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. In a meeting she scolded my father of protecting Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and said that Song Renqiong’s daughter went to Wuhan to protect the Provincial Committee of Hubei. In early April 1968, my mother and I were escorted to Shenyang. Mom was locked up in the building for Northeast China, to be criticized and denounced for Father, and was not allowed to come home, and later was sent to cadre school to do physical labor.  I was house arrested, and not allowed any outside contact.   

1969年初冬的一个夜里，我在弟弟妹妹的帮助下，女扮男装从家里偷跑出来，到内蒙牧区投奔同学。我人还没到谣言就先到了，说宋要武杀人放火、强奸妇女、无恶不作，许多老乡都很害怕，不敢要我。因为我是逃到那儿的，落不了户口，就没有安置费，没有口粮，干活也没有工分。青年点的北京知青把他们的衣物、口粮匀给我，后来我也得到牧民们的帮助和保护，终于落下了户口。

At a night in early winter 1969, with the help of younger brother and sister, I made up a boy and fled home, to seek shelter with classmates at the grazing land in Inner Mongolia. Rumors arrived before me. It was said that Song Yaowu would kill people, set fire to houses, rape women, and do all the evil things. Many villagers feared of taking me. As I ran away to there and was not able to register residency, thus has no settlement fees, no ration, and no work points for working, either. The youth from Beijing gave me their clothes and ration. Later I also got the help and protection from the herdsmen, and finally registered residency.  

1972年大学开始招工农兵学员。当时我父母被关押在辽宁盘锦的军队农场，因为父亲的问题和关于我的谣言，我这个女附中的高三毕业生，根本不敢奢望能上大学。出乎意料的是，我这样境遇的人，在知青、牧民老乡们和招生老师的帮助下，竟然成为“工农兵学员”！盟招生办的蒙古族金老师的话使我终生难忘：“在这种境况下你还能得到这么多人的信任与真心相助，你绝不该放弃理想与希望，要坚信：谣言只能是谣言，永远成不了事实。群众的眼睛是雪亮的，历史一定会还你一个清白！”一个素不相识的人敢对我讲出这样的话来，我的心灵受到了震撼，感动难以言表。从入学到毕业，长春地质学院的领导与师生们，用真诚的友爱支持着我，他们顶住了“四人帮”在东北的亲信（毛远新）不断施加的高压，保护了我这个东北最大走资派的女儿，他们的善良、正直和敢于担当，让我铭记终生，感恩终生。

Universities started to enroll worker-peasant-soldier students in 1972. At the time my parents were imprisoned in a military farm in Liaoning Province. Because of Father’s problem and rumors about me, I didn’t extravagantly hope to attend college, even though I was a student of senior high grade 3 at the High School for Girls. Unexpectedly, with the help of educated young people, herdsmen and the recruiters, I became a worker-peasant-soldier college student. Teachers Jin, the Inner Mongolian recruiter, told me: ‘Under such circumstances you still got so many people’s trust and sincere help. Don’t give up ideals and hopes. Rumors are only rumors, but never become reality. Eyes of the mass are sharp. The history will prove your innocence.’ A stranger could say such words to me. I was deeply moved. From entering school to graduation, the leaders, teachers and students supported me with sincere love and friendship.  They went against the pressure from the accomplice of Gang of Four in Northeast China, protecting the daughter of the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. I will always remember their kindness, upright and courage.  

文革中的经历让我只想远离喧嚣，认认真真地工作，清清白白地做人。我不经商不从政，不想出名不想升迁。我只和岩石、空气、数据打交道，对身边的人，我一律坦诚相待。但树欲静而风不止，无论我走到哪儿，谣言和谩骂都永远相伴。一方面我很迷茫、很苦恼，很无望，另一方面，我也感受到了周围人的理解与支持，是他们给了我温暖和生活的信心，使我能走过这四十多年的沟沟坎坎。

My experience in the cultural revolution makes me intend to leave the noise, to work hard and lead a quiet life. I didn’t do business, politics, and was not interested in fame and promotion. I only dealt with rocks, air and data, and honestly treated all people around me. But the tree may prefer calm but the wind keeps blowing. Wherever I went, rumors and abuses always followed. I was perplexed, distressed and hopeless on one hand, but on the other I felt the understanding and support from the people around me.  They gave me warmth and confidence for life which led me walk through the tough life for more than 40 year

我到美国读书后也遇到了同样的困扰。刚一下飞机，华人办的《世界日报》等，就掀起了许多谣言。还有国内的访问学者向中国大使馆告我，说我到美国上学拿的是CIA的钱，大使馆曾上报中央，有关部门也对我进行过调查。那时为了挣学费，我除了在学校做助教（一周工作20个小时），还在犹太人家中做了四年多的帮佣，做饭打扫遛狗带孩子，什么都干过。中国大使馆曾去我就读的美国学校BC（Boston College，波士顿学院）调查，学校作证，说我做助教是校方出的奖学金。当时我的系主任非常生气，说向大使馆告我属于特务行为，他一定要我讲出是谁告的我，学校要开除这种人。我坚持不说，不想给别人找麻烦。我去MIT（麻省理工学院）上学后，跟周围访问学者的关系都很好。当地华人期刊或报纸刊登关于我的谣言时，他们都非常愤怒，有人还要写文章替我澄清。我不想再搅得沸沸扬扬，成为焦点，只想安静地做自己的事。

I encountered same type of trouble after coming to study in the U.S. Immediately stepping off the airplane, the Chinese-language newspaper, the World Journal, spread a lot of rumors on me. Some visiting scholars from China reported to Chinese embassy on me, saying that I was attending the American school with CIA’s funding. Chinese embassy reported the allegation to CCP’s central committee.  CCP’s relevant department investigated me. At that time I worked on campus 20 hours per week as teaching assistant. In addition, I worked as maid for a Jewish family for 4 years, by doing everything, including cooking, cleaning, walking dogs and baby-sitting. Chinese embassy went to my school, Boston College, to investigate me.  The school proved that my assistantship was from the school.  My department chair was very angry, saying reporting to Chinese embassy was spying.  He insisted that I told him who that person was, and the school would expel him/her. But I didn’t tell him, because I didn’t want to make trouble for other people. After moving to MIT, I kept good relationships with the visiting scholars from China. When the local newspapers or magazines published rumors on me, they became very angry.  Some of them wanted to write articles to clarify. I didn’t like to attract attention, but only do my own things quietly.

在美国多年中，BBC等许多新闻机构的记者都曾想采访我，被我拒绝了。网上怎么骂我、侮辱我、评论我，我也都不理睬。2002年，我的一些美国朋友告诉我，在美国许多大学图书馆看到了一本美国出版的关于性学的研讨文集，这本书是西方许多大学的参考书。书中有一篇美国学者Emily Honing的文章，内容以女附中8月5日事件为例研究女性暴力。Honing从没到北京和师大女附中做过调查，她的主要依据是一篇女附中原高一3班学生写的文章。美国朋友们认为她对我的指控很能吸引西方人的眼球，以致西方学者读此文后都确信宋彬彬就是八五暴力事件的组织者。因此，不单是Honing，连为此书作序的一位世界著名的性学权威，也在序言中专门挑出Honing的文章，以我和我父亲为例来讨论问题。*

During many years in the U.S., reporters from BBC and other mass media intended to interview me. I refused all of them. I didn’t respond to the abuses, humiliation and comments on the Internet. In 2002, some American friends told me that they read a book of article collection in some university libraries. This was a reference book in many universities. An article about women violence in the book by Emily Honing was a research based on the August 5 incident at the High School for Girls. Honing had never been to Beijing and the High School for Girls for investigation. Her major source was from an article written by a student at class 3 of senior high grade 1. My American friends said her accusation against me could attract western readers, and many western scholars believed that Song Binbin was the organizer of the violent August 5 Incident at the High School for Girls. Thereafter, not only Honing, but also an authority on sex studies mentioned Honing’s article, in the preface for the book, to discuss the question by taking me and my father as examples.

*当时许多在美国的中国学者都很气愤，说以前你可以不说话，因为那些都是小道消息或是谣言，现在野史变成了正史，而且是在西方正式出版，西方大学都用它来当参考书，你要再不出来说话就不行了。原来我是拒绝接受一切采访的，但这次我觉得应该为自己做辩护。

At that time many Chinese scholars in the U.S. were very angry. They said to me that I didn’t speak out before, because all were rumors and information without normal sources. But now the unofficial history had become official. The book had been published in the West, and become a reference book in all Western universities. You had to speak out. I used to deny any interviews. But this time I thought I had to defend myself.      

朋友们都认为Honing的文章和此书的序言是严重失实的，影响广泛而恶劣。许多人建议我以失职、诬告及名誉诽谤罪起诉作者、序作者和出版社，有人帮我联系好了律师。后经一位美国朋友居中沟通，使我了解到，Honing是错在没有去北京和女附中实地调查，偏信了别人的文章；而出版社和序作者又都相信了Honing和前面那篇文章，他们都承认犯了学者不该犯的错误。由于美国朋友的调停，我最终没有走法律程序，同意了由作者、序作者和出版社在一家著名学术刊物《亚洲研究通讯》（Asian Studies Newsletter）上向我公开道歉（译文和原文附后）。

All my friends thought Honing’s article and the book’s preface were very untrue. The influence was wide and vile. Many people proposed to sue the author, the preface author and the publisher for dereliction of duty, false accusation and reputation slander. Some one arranged a lawyer for me. Later from an American friend, I learned that Honing didn’t come to Beijing and the High School for Girls to conduct investigation, but mistakenly trusted another person’s article. And the publisher and preface author believed in Honing and that article. They all admitted that they had made mistakes that scholars shouldn’t have. Thanks to mediation of my American friends, eventually I didn’t take the case to court, but agreed that the author, preface author and publisher publish an apology in a well-known academic publication, the Asian Studies Newsletter. The letter is attached to the end of this article.    

主持人：最后一个问题，我的朋友对你在卡玛电影里的表现不理解，既然你在多年里一直被妖魔化，为什么不利用那次机会为自己辩诬？

Last question. My friends don’t understand your behavior in Karma’s film. As you have been demonized for many years, why did you not defend yourself in the film?

宋彬彬：卡玛拍《八九点钟的太阳》之初曾想采访我，我拒绝了。后来，卡玛的片子已基本制作完成，又临时加进对我的采访，带到柏林电影节去剪辑的。在卡玛片子里，我没有露面，只大致做了一些声明以澄清谣言，之所以这样做是因为我有所顾虑：当时我儿子在美国上学，我在州环保部工作。“911”之后我所工作的小单位任务非常繁重，我们是一个人干两三个人的活，就连周末、节假日或是大暴风雪都要轮流工作，常常累得不行。卡玛的电影要在美国公共电视台播出，我若一露面，我们单位将会成为社会关注的焦点，那工作还怎么干？我不想在美国再次成为公众人物，再次陷入舆论的漩涡和媒体的注视中，不想伤害我的家人和孩子，也绝不想因我而扰乱单位及同事的正常工作和生活，所以我不能在卡玛片子里露面，这就是当时的考虑，没想到却引发了更大一轮的误解和攻击。

Song: At the beginning of shooting the ‘Sun in the Morning’, Karma intended to interview me. I refused. Later, when making of the movie was nearly complete, she added the interview to it, and took it to Berlin for editing. I didn’t appear in the movie, but only made voice statement, to deny some rumors. I had reason for doing this way. At the time my son was attending school in the U.S., and I was working at the environmental department of the state government. After 911, we had too much work at the office. One worker had assignment of two or three persons, and had to be on duty on weekends, holidays and snowstorms. I was very tired. Karma’s movie will be broadcasted in America’s public TV stations. If I had appeared in the movie, my company would become a social attraction, how could we work? I didn’t want to become a public figure in the U.S., so could not appear in Karma’s movie. This was my consideration at that time, but didn’t expect another bout of misunderstanding and attacks.  

叶维丽：冯敬兰在访谈开场时讲到关于卞仲耘之死两个版本。我也想在这里简单讲讲为什么在王友琴已经写出了文章后，我仍然想做这个题目。我做这件事，实际上是我梳理自己和我们这代人成长过程的一个延伸。卞的死让我受到太深刺激，深到很多年后还做噩梦。既然是梳理成长史，就绕不过这个重大事件。我是学历史的，很想把这个事件放到当年的历史情境中去看。虽然王友琴已经写了文章，但我想，关于文革的研究，做的人不是太多，而是太少，多一些人来研究同一件事，可以加深我们对问题的理解。

Ye Weili:  Feng Jinglan talked about the two versions of the death of Bian in the opening statement. I would like to talk about why after Wang Youqin had published an article, I still wanted do this topic. In fact, to do it is an extension of reorganizing my and our generation’s development.  I was deeply saddened by the death of Bian, and still had nightmares many years after.  Reorganizing my history cannot circumvent this important incident. I am a student of history, and like to put this incident to the historical environment of those years. Wang Youqin had published her article. But I thought that research on the cultural revolution was not too much, but too little. When an event was studied by more people, we would have better understanding of it.

在做调查的过程中，我直接感受到了文革在当今社会的被漠视和被遗忘。我曾到女附中校史室找卞校长的照片，校史办工作人员听说过卞校长是文革中被打致死的，但她又说：“是大学生来打的吧？”这位工作人员的父亲是当年的校医，姨母是8月5号被打的校领导之一，她的工作是管理校史，尚且无知到这种地步。这种情况令人震惊，也更加促使我一定要做这个题目。我想在反抗遗忘这一点上，我和王友琴应该有不少共同的想法。

In my investigation, I’ve seen that the cultural revolution is ignored and forgotten. When I was looking for Principal Bian’s photo at the office of school history of the High School for Girls, a worker had heard that Principal Bian was beaten to death in the cultural revolution, but said: ‘Did university students come here to do it?’ This worker’s father was the school doctor. Her aunt was one of the school leaders who were beaten up on August 5, 1966. She was so ignorant as a worker of school history. The situation was shocking, which drove me to do this topic. In the matter of resisting forgetfulness, Wang Youqin and I share same opinions.  

最近，有人提出来追查卞案中“凶手”的问题。我想说，我们面临的问题远比揪出几个“凶手”更为复杂。这些年我一直在问，为什么一所优秀女校的学生会成为施暴者？是什么样的教育导致我们中的一些人做出那样伤天害理的事？我的小书《动荡的青春》在一定意义上试图回答这个问题。在调查了解卞校长之死的过程中，我发现这也是很多校友们共同的问题，我们都在追问。我觉得追问这些问题更有意义。

Recently some people proposed to investigate the killers of the incident. It is my opinion that our question is more complex than catching several killers. I have been thinking in these years that why students from an excellent school for girls could become violent beaters? What type of education caused some of us did such bloody atrocities? I tried to answer these questions in my book ‘The Turmoil of Youth’. In my investigation of the death of Principal Bian, I ‘ve found it a question being asked by many alumni. We are all seeking answers. So I find it quite significant to ask these questions.   

2002年开始做调查后，我得到过很多人的帮助。冯敬兰帮我联系了我们班十来位同学，听她们讲述当年目击的情形。于羚也介绍我采访了一些高中的同学。 2002年夏天一个偶然的机会我碰到刘进。我“八五”那天不在校，没看见卞校长躺在垃圾车上惨不忍睹的形状，给我刺激最深的是刘进第二天在广播里讲的一句话，“死了就死了。”那天见到刘进，我问了心中存了很久的问题：你那天说没说过“死了就死了”？对我这个陌生人突如其来的提问，刘进回答，“说了”，毫无闪烁其辞。她同时告诉我这句话的来历。刘进坦诚的态度给我留下了很好的印象。此后刘进对我的调查一直非常支持，包括帮我联系访问宋彬彬。

I have been helped by many people since I started the investigation in 2002. Feng Jinglan helped me contact more than 10 classmates who told me what they saw about the incident. Yu Ling also introduced me to some students of senior high. In the summer 2002 I met Lin Jin by chance. I was not in school on August 5, 1966, so didn’t see the miserable status of Principal Bian in the garbage cart. What she said in the broadcast speech stimulated me the most: ‘dead is dead.’ When seeing Liu Jin that day, I asked her the question that had been in my mind for a long time, ‘Did you say ‘dead is dead’ that day?’ To this sudden question from a stranger, Liu Jin answered: ‘yes, I did’, with no attention to deny. Then she explained to me why she said it. She left me a good impression with her honest attitude. Later Liu Jin was very helpful to my investigation, including helping me contact and visit Song Binbin.   

我也感谢卞校长丈夫王晶垚先生对我的信任和对我调查工作的帮助。作为卞校长的遗属，他在难以想象的危难条件下，为他的亲人、也为所有的文革受难者留下了血证。看着他在胡杰的影片中一件一件拿出卞校长当天的衣物时，我既感动，又敬佩。就凭这一条，老爷子做出了历史贡献。我愿意在这里感谢所有帮助我的人，大家都在拒绝遗忘，正视历史。

I am also grateful for Mr. Wang Jinggui, husband of Principal Bian’s help for my investigation. As Principal Bian’s relative, he kept the blood evidence for other relatives and the victims of the cultural revolution, under the extremely difficult circumstances. In Hu Jie’s film, he took out Bian’s clothes one piece of Principal’s after another. I was moved, and admired him. Mr. Wang made historical contribution. I like to thank all people who have helped me. We all refuse to forget, and look at the history.  

主持人：八五事件已经成为一段历史，它不仅提供了一个文革暴力的典型，也在政治、历史、文化、教育、心理、性别等诸多方面的研究上提供了特殊的样本。不仅仅是卞校长的不幸让我们深思，那些加害于她的学生，从另一方面也展现了典型的意义。我想起一个参与殴打老师的同学，不少人记住了她的名字。她长得很漂亮，像电影《苦菜花》里的女英雄赵星梅。她后来是全校最出名的“反动学生”，我在1968年3月28日的日记里记着她的主要“反动言论”：二十年后看高低；中央文革正确与否几十年后才能证明；由种种理论推断，中国必然要出修正主义。*

The August 5 Incident has become history.  It provides not only a typical case of violence in the cultural revolution, but a model for research on politics, history, culture, education, psychology and gender. No only Principal Bian’s misery makes us think deeply, but also those students torturing her, have also displayed typical significance. I remember a student beating up the teachers.  Many people remember her name. She was a beautiful girl, looking like Zhao Xingmei, the heroine in the movie ‘The Bitter Flower’. Later she became the most famous ‘reactionary student’of the school. Her major ‘reactionary speech’ was recorded in my diary of March 28, 1968: ‘We must wait 20 year to see who will win and lose. Whether the CCP’s Central Group for Cultural Revolution is correct only can be proved dozens of years later. Deduced from various theories, revisionism will definitely appears in China.’

*我在4月2日的日记里再次写到她当天在阶梯教室被斗争的情形，她的胳膊被同学架起成“喷气式”，她愤怒地仰起挣得通红的脸大声分辩：“中央文革的大方向对不对，就是二十年后才能看！”后来我们陆续上山下乡了。几年后，听说她疯了。因文革而精神错乱的同学，还有前面提到的高三4班反工作组的李黎黎，后来她又患上红斑狼疮，在下乡到北大荒的第二年，因服药过量辞世，年仅22岁。初三4班同学闻佳，因“反革命罪”险遭枪决，文革结束虽然平反释放，但精神错乱而致终生不幸。今天想到她们，我仍会心痛。卞校长遇难的第三年——1968年我下乡北大荒后，陆续听到了母校在“清队”中不断有老师被迫自杀的消息，记得是四位，其中语文特级教师周学敏（女）创立过“周学敏教学法”，最年轻的胡秀正（女）老师才三十出头。这就是万劫不复的文革。

My diary on April 2 again described that she was criticized and denounced that day.  Her arms were hold backward by students. She angrily lifted her head and spoke loud: ‘We have to wait another 20 years to see whether the central group of cultural revolution is correct.’Later we gradually went to countryside. A few years after, we heard she was insane. Aforementioned Li Lili from class 4 of senior high grade 3, who was opposed to the work team, also became insane due to the cultural revolution. Later she caught the lupus sebaceous, and died of drug overdose at the age of 22 after settling down in the countryside in northeastern China. Wen Jia, a student from class 4 of junior high grade 3, nearly received capital punishment. She was released after the cultural revolution, but was insane. I felt sad when I think of them. I settled down in the countryside in 1968, three years after Principal Bian died. From there, I heard that some teachers committed suicide. I remember there were 4 of them. Of them, Zhou Xuemin, a special class language teacher who created ‘Teaching Method of Zhou Xuemin’, and Hu Xiuzheng, only in her early 30s when she died. This is the evil cultural revolution.

今天，我们五个不同家庭背景、不同成长经历的校友走到一起，共同完成了一个久蓄于胸的宿愿——把真实的记忆留下来。我们深知，道德激情不等于历史真相，群体义愤不能代替理性思考。没有哪个人可以垄断历史的解释权，也没有哪个人可以完全、永久地真理在握。正是基于这一认识，我们谨怀殷切诚挚之心，期待着校友、知情者和方家学者的批评指正。

Today, we five alumni with different family background and life experience, come together to fulfill a long-delayed desire – to leave the true memories behind. We know that moral enthusiasm is not historical facts. Collective indignation must not replace rational pondering. Nobody can monopolize the explanation of history, nor hold the truth in hand forever.  Exactly based on this knowledge, we are sincerely expecting criticism and correction from our alumna, informants and scholars.

 《An Apology to Song Binbin》

-- Asian Studies Newsletter, Spring Issue, 2003. Volume 48, Number 2, P38  www.aasianst.org

“The contributors and editors of Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities (University of California Press, 2002) listed below would like to publicly apologize to Song Binbin and her family for including in the first printing of the book statements that presented Ms. Song as responsible for violent acts that occurred near the start of Cultural Revolution. Including these statements in the book was a serious error in judgment. Furthermore, new information has come to light, in the form of interviews conducted by the Long Bow Group for their documentary film “Morning Sun,” that directed contradicts the notion that Ms. Song was involved in acts of violence. The editors are very sorry for the offense given and distress caused to Ms. Song and her family. The University of California Press joins in apologizing for this situation. An errata sheet is being included in the remaining copies of the first printing of the book, and when it goes into a second printing, the offending passages on pages I and 259 will be stricken or changed. This statement has been issued by the editors listed below both to express their regret to Ms. Song and her family for any distress cause and also to ask anyone who purchased the book to please disregard the statements in question.”

Susan Brownell, Emily Honing，Thomas Laqueur, and Jeffrey Wasserstrom.

———————————————————————————————


Photo: Song Binbin, painting by Professor Xu Weixin.

It's not just me.

Make that ten.

It's not just me

Arts and Letters Daily is the finest index to middle-brow articles as exists anywhere.  There are nine entries on China listed on the aldaily web page.

Countries of Readers (avec le commentarie)

Australia.  There are a lot of apologists for the PRC living Down Under.
Belgium
Brazil:  Where did you guys get your flag, off the cutting shop floor of the set of the Jetsons?
Costa Rica
Czech Republic
Denmark: Have you guys gotten over the sparrow and the dominoes?
England.
Estonia: Hi, where are you?
France
Germany
Honduras
Hong Kong
Hungary: Unfortunate name.
India
Indonesia
Italy
Japan
Malaysia: I remember when President Carter said America was suffering from Malaysia.
Morocco: "Play it once, Sam. For old times' sake."
Netherlands: The Netherlands.
Norway: How's King Harald?
Peru: Sendero Luminosa kaput, eh?
Poland
South Korea: Glad to see you're still around.
Spain
Turkey: Unfortunate name.
Russia
Singapore
Sweden
Thailand
Uganda:  UGANDA!  Idi Amin!  "This is normal brain (image of plain slice of cheese)."  "This is Idi Amin brain (image of slice of Swiss cheese)."

China's Great Wall of Silence: "Remembrance," The Translation. Part Five (part II)

"Fuli, come over here. What do all zeez little lines say?"

This concludes, I think, Fuli's translation of Part Five.  

4、八五事件

The Incident of August 5

刘进：《“八五”祭》里，胡校长写了8月5日上午，她先去北京市委找分管文教口的干部，说了学校头天打人的问题，强调基层领导干部的人身安全已经没有保障。那位干部只是劝说她先回学校，并无任何对策。后来胡又找到西城区委，也没有得到明确的答复。5日下午1点半左右，她走进校门，觉得学校“异样地寂静”，预感不祥，就拿起扫帚装着打扫女厕所，以便观察动静。教导处副主任梅树民老师认为当天的斗争会是事前准备好的，据他回忆上午就有学生通知让他们下午两点钟集合。关于“八五”的文字，除了胡校长写过文章，初一的唐伏生、初三的冯敬兰、叶维丽、高一的王友琴、高三的刘沂伦等也都有文字记述。最近我听刘沂伦（1966届高中生/高三1班学生）说到一个新情况，她印象中校领导是从礼堂押出来，围着大操场游斗的。

Liu Jin: In the ‘In memory of August 5 Incident’, Principal Hu wrote that on August 5 she went to talk to the official in charge of cadres at CCP’s Beijing Committee, to tell him the beating up problem the day before at the school, emphasizing that lives of the leaders at the grass-roots level were in danger. That official had no countermeasure to deal with the situation, but only told her to go back to school. Then Hu went to the CCP’s  western district committee, but didn’t get a definite answer, either. She came to the school at one o’clock in the afternoon on August 5, and found the campus ‘extremely quiet’,  feeling ominous. She took a broom, pretending to clean the women’s toilet, to observe the situation. Teacher Mei Shumin, the deputy dean, thought that the denouncement meeting was planned.  He remembered that he was notified by a student in the morning to gather at 2 o’clock in the afternoon. Of the written description of the August 5 Incident, besides Principal Hu’s article, Tang Fusheng of Junior grade 1, Feng Jinglan and Ye Weili of junior grade 3, Wang Youqin of senior grade 1, Liu Xinlun of senior grade 3 and others also wrote about it. Recently Liu Xinlun, from class 1 of senior high grade 3, mentioned a new fact. She remembered that the school leaders were escorted from the auditorium, and paraded and denounced around the playground.  

主持人：当时你在哪里，什么时候知道外面正在游斗校领导？

Where were you at that time? When did you know that the school leaders were being paraded and denounced outside?

刘进：当时我和一些同学在东楼史地政教研室里，就是原来工作组的办公室。前面说过，我们每天都聚在一块儿议论，寻找方向，基本就是清谈。那天下午两点多，几个初中同学急急忙忙跑进来，说大操场上打人了。其中初三的一个同学近年回忆说，8月5日下午，她和几个同学在东楼原来总务处的办公室睡觉，石油附中一男生来找她，一进屋就说：“你们女校的学生怎么比男生还厉害，正在操场打人呢！”她听后赶快跑去找我们。听她一说，我和宋彬彬等人急忙下楼，跑到大操场上，看见校领导正在游街，都拿着簸箕，有的老师头上扣着纸篓，胡校长身上特别脏。现场以高一学生为主，也有其它年级的同学围观。我们让她们停止打人，她们说这是斗黑帮，我们说斗黑帮也不能打人啊，有大方向还有党的政策呢。她们理直气壮地说工作组在时不让斗，现在可以斗了。我们说你们该斗斗，该游游，但不能打人。那些同学没有再表示异议，我们让大家都散开，看到许多围观的同学陆续离开后，我们也走了。

 Lin Jin: At that time some students and I were in the office of history, geography and politics in the East Building. It was also the office for the work team. As said before, we got together everyday, to discuss and look for new directions, which mostly was empty talking. At about 2 o’clock, several student of junior high section rushed in, saying that beating was taking place in the playground. A student of junior high grade 3 in a recent year recalled: in the afternoon of August 5, she and several other students were sleeping in a room in the East Building.  A boy student of the High School attached to College of Petroleum came to see her, saying as soon as he entered the door: ‘you girls are tougher than boys. They are beating up people in the playground.’ Hearing this, she immediately came to tell us.  Song Binbin and I and others immediately went downstairs, and rushed to the playground, seeing the school leaders were being paraded with dust pan in their hand. Some teachers’ head was covered by waster paper basket. Principal Hu’s clothes were extremely dirty. Majority of these students were from senior high grade 1. Those from other grades were watching. We asked them to stop beating. They said they were denouncing black gangsters. We said that beating people was wrong. And the Party’s policy had to be implemented. They said the work team didn’t allow them to denounce gangsters, but now it was OK to do so. We said it was OK to denounce and parade, but beating was not right. Those students didn’t say anything more. We asked them to disband.  After many onlookers were gone, we left the scene, too.

过了一段时间，又有低年级的同学跑来说，后操场正在打人。我们赶紧又跑到那里，现场已聚了不少学生，各年级都有。校领导正在抬土，有的同学手里拿着木棍子在旁边监督。我印象特别深的是教导主任汪玉冰老师，她有些瘫软了，还哭了，只要同学冲她一嚷嚷，她就吓得不行。筐挺大，她们确实抬不动。我们说了一些“劳动可以，不要打人”的话，呆了一会儿，看到没有人再打人才离开。

直到黄昏，有个同学来说卞校长快不行了，人在后院呢，我和宋彬彬等同学急忙跑下楼去。在后操场，我看到卞校长躺在一个手推车上，脸色特别难看，嘴里吐着白沫，身上也有异味，一看就不行了。我无论如何也没有想到事情会变成这样，从来没有见过这种场面，感觉天塌了一样，第一反应就是赶快送医院抢救。当时那里没几个人，后来人多了，场面变得很乱。学校的后门平时上锁，我让身边的同学去找工友拿钥匙，工友王永海来开了后门。还叫人给卞校长家打电话（事后知道是党办赵桂英老师通知家属的）。高三1班刘沂伦证实说，是宋彬彬和高三2班朱姓同学等几人去医院找的大夫。朱同学事后告诉刘沂伦，医生一听说是黑帮就不愿来，宋彬彬和他当场吵了起来，说解放军三大纪律八项注意，对俘虏还得优待呢。当时来了一个年轻的男大夫，一个年长的女护士，给卞校长打了强心针。不过，这些具体细节我和宋彬彬都不记得了，当时我们完全懵了。

After some time, a junior student rushed to us, saying beating was taking place at the back playground. At once we rushed there. Many students, from various grades, were present. The school leaders were lifting soil baskets. Some students were supervising them, with sticks in hand.  I was deeply impressed by the dean, teacher Wang Yubing. She was somewhat paralyzed, and weeping, and frightened once the students shouted to her. The basket was rather big, she was not able to lift it indeed. We said that they could do physical work, but didn’t beat them. We stayed for a while and left when no one beat them again.  At about evening, a student came in saying the Principal Bian was dying, and she was in the back yard. Song Binbin, I and other students at once rushed downstairs.  At the back playground, we saw Principal Bian lying in a handcart, face in very poor color, white foam flowing out from her mouth, and a strange odor coming from her body. Obviously she was dying. I had never been in such situation. I was feeling the whole sky was falling.  My first reaction was to send her to a hospital for rescue.  There were few people present at the time.  Later more came. The scene was becoming chaotic. The school’s back gate was usually locked. I asked students to get the key from the workers. Wang Yonghai, the worker, came and unlocked the gate, and asked people to call Bian’s house. Later it was proved that the person who notified Bian’s family was Zhao Guiying from the school’s Party committee office. Liu Xinlun, from class 1 of senior high grade 3, proved that Song Binbin and a student in family name Zhu from class 2 of senior high grade 3, and several other students went to the hospital for doctors. Later student Zhu told Liu XinLun, the doctor was unwilling to come when knowing the patient was a gangster. Song Binbin argued with him right away, saying that it was discipline of the People’s Liberation Army to treat the captives well. A young male doctor and an old nurse came, and injected cardiac stimulant to Bian. However, Song Binbin and I don’t remember all these details. We were totally frightened.

 我推着车，好几个同学在旁边帮着推，把卞校长送到了邮电医院。记忆中不少同学、老师都跟着往医院跑。大夫不敢救，我们之间发生了争吵。在场的数学老师李松文，是工作组期间教师代表会两成员之一，也是临时党支部的负责人，他老实本分、不善言谈，这时也急了，让医院赶快救人。经过一番争论才开始抢救，大约9点左右，卞校长就去世了。随后，卞校长的丈夫王先生来了，他情绪激动，当时哭得很厉害。

I was pushing the cart, several students helped push it on the sides, to send Principal Bian to the Hospital of Post and Telecommunications. I remember that many students and teachers were rushing to the hospital with us. The doctors didn’t dare rescue. We argued with them. Math teacher Li Songwen was one of two teacher representatives, and leader of temporary Party branch. He was an honest person, and usually not talked much. But he was angry this time, and urged the hospital to start right away.  The rescue started after a time of argument. At about 9 o’clock, Bian was announced dead. Then, Bian’s husband came. He became very emotional, and cried loudly.

主持人：离开医院你们去了哪里？

Host: Where did you go after leaving the hospital?  

刘进：卞校长去世后，我们觉得情况严重，应该尽快向上级汇报。当时知道中央在北京饭店开会，到那儿一定能找到领导。我们几个从学校一路走到北京饭店时，已经半夜了。起初我们想见新市委第一书记李雪峰，李不见，只好找第二书记吴德。吴德秘书出来劝我们回去，说有事明天再来，现在首长已经休息了。我们说不行，事关重大，我们必须见到领导。看我们不走，他最后终于同意让我们见了。我记不清是几个人进去的，但我和宋彬彬肯定进去了。吴德听完我们的汇报，半天没有说话，后来才慢慢说：这么大的运动，难免发生这样那样的问题，人死不能复生，死了就死了。还说：你们不要担心害怕，回去要注意保密，不要扩大影响等等。

Liu Jin: After the death of Principal Bian, we felt that it was a serious event, and had to report it to the higher authorities. We knew that CCP’s central committee was having a meeting in the Beijing Hotel, and we could find leaders over there. It was midnight when we arrived at Beijing Hotel by walking. We asked to see Li Xuefeng, the first Party secretary of Beijing. But Li refused to see us. We then asked to see Wu De, the second secretary. His assistant came out and advised us to go back and come again the next day, as Wu De had already gone to bed.  We insisted to see him, saying the matter was very critical. Finally, he agreed to allow us to see Wu De. I don’t remember how many of us entered Wu’s room, but Song Binbin and I were definitely among those. After listening to our report, Wu didn’t speak for a long time. Later he spoke slowly: in such a big movement, many kinds of problems might happen. Dead people could not revive. Dead is dead. He also said that: ‘Don’t be too frightened. Please keep it confidential. Don’t spread the influence’, etc.    

走回学校，我们一直坐到天亮，谁都没有合眼。校长死了，学校出了这么大的事，我们认为应该让全校同学们知道。由谁来说？有同学说你当过学生代表会主席，还得由你来说。其实我也犹豫，觉得很难开口，但自己不说让谁说呀？是我们把卞校长送医院的，是我们向市委书记汇报的。我作为党员应该出面向同学们说。于是，8月6日早上，我在广播里通报了校长去世的消息和向吴德汇报的情况。

Walking back to school, we sat up to the morning. No one slept. The principal was dead.  This was a big event for the school. We had to tell the students of whole school about it. But who would make the announcement? Some students said that I had been the chair of student representatives, so I’d better make a speech.  I was rather hesitant, feeling difficult to speak. But who else could do it? We sent Principal Bian to the hospital, and reported her death to the Party secretary. As a Party member, I was supposed to tell students about the incident. Thereafter, in the morning of August 6, I spoke about the death of Principal Bian and reporting the Wu De through the school’s broadcasting.

 主持人：我读过现居海外的作家胡平写的一篇文章，全文抄录了那天早晨的广播稿，大约百十来字，我第一次看到这个文本，觉得很新鲜，但不知来历。你们事先写过稿子吗？

 Host:  I read an article by overseas writer Hu Ping, in which the whole broadcast script was included, consisting of about 100 odds characters.  It was my first time to read the script, and a surprise. I wondered where it was from. Did you draft the script before broadcasting it?

刘进：没有啊，我也是第一次听说。事隔多年，我已不记得自己的原话了，但确实没有写过稿子。很多同学和老师都有不同的记忆，同一个班的学生因为处境不同，记忆也大不相同。2006年拜访梅树民老师，他回忆说，当时他们在校办工厂劳改，他和刘致平副校长在一起听广播，广播中说再不许打人了，他们心里才有了安全感。有人记得，我说卞仲耘昨天被斗死了，这是违犯党的政策的，以后不许再打人了。有人记得，我说过要注意保密，不要扩大影响。一些同学就记住了一句：“死了就死了”。

Liu Jin: No. This is my first time to hear it. After so many years, I don’t remember what I said, but definitely didn’t draft a script. About my speech, many students and teachers have different memories.  Students in same class, due to different background, also have different memories. I visited Teacher Mei Shumin in 2006. He recalled that at the time when doing physical work, he and vice Principal Liu Zhiping were listening to the broadcast which said that beating people would not be allowed, so they felt safe at heart. Some people recalled that I said that Bian was beaten to death the day before, and this was violation of the Party’s policy, and would not be allowed in the future. Some people recalled that I said that we had to keep the news confidential, in order not to spread influence.  Some students remember only a sentence; ‘Dead is dead’.

我们觉得不能再这样乱下去了。8月8日，我和一些同学商量（多数是保工作组的，也有高三4班反工作组的），说这样下去不行，咱们成立一个组织吧。因为上边没有领导，这个自发成立的组织就叫“文化大革命筹备委员会”（简称“筹委会”），我当了主任，有十几个副主任，各班还有联络员。我认为这是8月5日事件直接导致的结果。

We didn’t think it good to let the disorder continue. On August 8, I talked to some students, and said we could not let things to go on in this way, so we’d better establish an organization. Most of these students were pro-work team, but some from class 4 of senior high grade 3 were anti-work team. Because no leadership was above us, the self-started organization was called ‘Preparation Committee of Culture Revolution’, or ‘Prep. Committee’ in short. I became the director, with more than a dozen of vice directors, and a liaison person from each class. I think this was the direct result of the August 5 Incident.  

 主持人：可以这样认为吗？是高一3班部分学生发起、组织了游斗校领导，事先并没有人向你们透露消息。

Host: Can we think this way:  Some students from class 3 of senior high grade 1 started and organized parading and denouncing the school leaders, but didn’t tell you anything before that. ,

 刘进：是的。除了受害人、目击者指认，我也找过高一3班的老师、同学核实。一个同学（为叙述方便，以下称A同学）对我讲了当时班里少数同学发起揪斗校领导的过程。A同学说带头的是几个住在西边大院（即三军总部大院）的同学。她们在班里说，现在“主义兵”成革命的了，主席已经发出号召，我们也要革命，也要斗黑帮。她们让人把校领导集中起来，拉到操场去游斗。当时全班同学都坐在教室里，出身不好的，家里有问题的学生都集中坐在一边，领头的同学让大家必须都出去看。*

Liu Jin: Yes. Besides pointed out by the victims and witnesses, I verified with the teachers and students of class 3 of senior high grade 1. A student told me that a handful of students from the class started to seize the school leaders and subject them to public criticism. For convenience of discussion, I will call her as Student A from now on. She said the parade and denouncement were led by several students living in the compound on the west of the school, that was, the headquarters for navy, army and air force. They said in class that now the ‘Maoist red guards’ had become revolutionary, and Chairman Mao had called, so we had to do revolution, and denounce the gangsters, too. They gathered the school leaders, and moved them to the playground to be paraded and denounced.  At the time all classmates were sitting in the classroom, Students of poor family background were on one side. The leading student asked all students to go out and watch.  

*A同学说，她初中就在女附中，很关心胡校长，自己也想出去看看。全班学生跟出去以后，有不少同学都打人了，包括出身不好的一个同学，她打的是胡校长，就是想表现革命。胡校长一直很强硬，挨打挨得最多。A同学还特别说到该班某同学（很多目击者都提到她）也打了，不是打得最厉害的人，但她是名人，文革前的优秀学生，只要动了手肯定别人会记得很清楚。打人厉害的几个，初中都是在外校上的。初中就在女附中的同学对老师有感情，下手不如她们那么厉害，也不是没打，下手可能轻一些。A同学还说，打老师的行为，让人不能容忍，但我们只能看着。卞校长死后，谁都不说话了。

Student A said that she attended the High School for Girls in her junior years, thus was very concerned for Principal Hu, and wanted to go out and look.  After all students went out, many students did beating, including one with poor family background. She beat Principal Hu, to show that she was revolutionary.  Principal Hu was always unyielding, thus was beaten the most. Student A particularly mentioned one of her classmates, whom many witnesses also mentioned, also did beating, but was not the hardest one. She was a well-known person at school, an excellent student before the culture revolution. Other people would remember her beating. Several hard beaters attended junior high in other schools. Students who attended junior high at the High School for Girl had love for teachers, and didn’t beat that hard. They did beat, by did it more lightly. Student A also said: ‘beating teachers was intolerable, but we could do nothing about it but watching.  After Principal Bian died, no one said anything.’,   

在游斗过程中对校领导施加暴力行为的，不仅仅是高一3班的学生，也有高一其它班和初二的少数学生。那天下午是连续的几个过程，最初是围着大操场集中对校领导游斗，接着在小操场强迫他们抬土劳动，最后是强迫他们分头打扫各处的厕所，继续羞辱、折磨他们。在这个过程中，其它年级也有学生参与游斗和看押，但多数学生是围观，聚聚散散，人数时多时少，这些人成为暴力行为的目击者。

During the parading and denouncing, violent students were not only from class 3 of senior high grade 1, but also other classes of senior high grade 1 and some junior high grade 2 students. Several steps of that afternoon were: they were first paraded and denounced around the playground, then were forced to lift soil baskets in the small playground, at last were made to clean the toilets, continuing to be humiliated and tortured.  During the process, students from other grades also took part in the parading and detaining. But most students were standing in circle and watching, gathering and disbanding. They were witnesses of the violence.

 主持人：你们劝阻了两次，却没有使她们停止游斗活动。难道因为她们以革命的名义，占据了“道德制高点”，才让你们的劝说苍白无力吗？

Host: you dissuaded twice, but failed to stop the parading and denouncement. Is that because that they did it in the name of revolution, and took a more lofty moral position, so that your dissuasion lost power?

 刘进：当时斗黑帮是革命行动，我们不能理直气壮地站在对立面上制止她们游斗校领导，何况自己又是犯了错误的人，只能说些不要打人、注意政策的话，事态的发展证明我们说话完全没用。

Liu Jin: At that time denouncing gangsters was revolutionary action, we could not stop them to parade and denounce the school leaders in the right and self-confident manner. And I was a person who had made mistakes, so could only said something like ‘don’t beat people, and  implement the policy.’  The development of things proved that what we said were totally useless.

从近年的调查中得知，8月5日下午，不少老师和高年级同学都对打人者进行过劝阻。在游斗中，胡校长争辩说“我不是黑帮”，一个高个子学生说“我现在就让你变黑”，拿着一瓶墨汁就泼在胡校长身上。围观的一个中五年级（五年制实验班）同学立即上前阻止，说“斗黑帮也不能这么斗啊！”有个同学劝阻不要体罚打人，立即被回击说，好久没有斗黑帮了，今天斗黑帮有什么不对？工作组在校的时候不让斗黑帮，现在工作组撤了，黑帮都可神气了，我们斗斗黑帮有什么不可以？高三4班反过工作组的王亚力、李乐群等同学也劝阻过两次，一次在厕所附近，一次在校园里，看到围观的低年级同学都散了，她们就走了。她们也没想到，老师们会被换个地方接着遭受折磨。有的老师劝学生，说他们（校领导）年龄都大了，身体不好，不能干这么重的活了。这么热的天，他们肯定受不了，会出事儿的。有的学生也这么劝。

Investigation in recent years indicates that many teachers and students of senior grades dissuaded the beaters. During the parade and denouncement, Principal Hu protested: ‘I am not gangster.’A tall student said: ‘I am turning you to be one right now,’and splashed a bottle of Chinese ink to Hu. A student of grade 5 came up immediately and stopped her: ‘Please don’t denounce gangsters in this way.’ A student tried to stop the physical punishment and beating, but was immediately refuted: we haven’t denounce gangsters for a long time. What’s wrong we denounce them today? The work team didn’t allow us to denounce gangsters. Now the work team is gone. The gangsters are so vigorous. What’s wrong that we denounce them? Wang Yali and Li Lequn from class 4 of senior high grade 3 also dissuaded twice. The first time was near the toilet. Second time was on campus. But they left when the junior students were gone.  But they didn’t realize that the teachers were moved to another place and continued to suffer torture. Some teachers talked to the students that the school leaders were too old and in poor health, so could not do such heavy physical labor. The weather was so hot. They would not stand it. They would suffer a lot. Some students dissuaded, too. 

*这些劝说立即遭到激烈反驳，说你是保工作组的吧？你有什么资格说这种话？我班有同学看到，梅树民老师挨了一棍子，血立即从衬衫里面流了下来。梅老师自己也回忆说，当天他穿了一件新衬衫，学生用带钉子的桌子腿打在他背上，钉子扎进肉里，拔出后都是血，染红了衬衫。8月6日那天，王南芬（文革前女附中学生会主席，反工作组成员之一）到校比较晚，8月5日她没来，听说卞校长被打死了，她感到非常震惊和气愤，当天就开始着手调查事情的经过。2006年我曾问过她，她说调查后基本落实到一些人身上，以高一和初二的学生为主。很多人是在表现自己，谁打得凶，谁的阶级感情就深，觉悟就高。她还说，我调查了，你们这些学生领袖那天下午在东二楼呆着，没有人参与这件事情。

The dissuasions were severely refuted immediately. The dissuaders were accused of protecting the work team, thus were not qualified to say anything. My classmates saw that teacher Mei Shumin was hit by a stick. Blood was immediately flowing from inside of his shirt. Teacher Mei also recalled that he wore a new shirt that day. The students beat his back with a nailed chair leg.  The nails got into his flesh, and covered with blood when pulled out.  The shirt was dyed bloody. Wang Nanfen, chair of student association before the culture revolution, and an anti-work team person, came to school late on August 6.  She didn’t come to school on August 5, and was very shocked and angry when learning Principal Bian was beaten to death, and started to investigate the incident right away. I talked to her in 2006. She said some beaters had been confirmed. Most of them were students of senior high grade 1 and junior high grade 2. Many were showing off. The person who beat hard would have deep class feelings and better consciousness. She also said: ‘My investigation shows that you student leaders were staying in East Building #2, and didn’t take part in this incident. ‘     

在调查中我还了解到，有两个高二的同学8月6日一早去看胡校长，胡校长当时躺在床上，伤势很重，见到她们非常高兴。同年，她们和四中的几个同学一起调查了西城区36所中学的打人情况，还写了调查报告。调查时，胡校长给了很大的帮助。

I learned during my investigation that two students from senior high grade 2 went to see Principal Hu on the morning of August 6. At the time Principal Hu was lying in bed with severe injuries, but was very happy to see them. In the same year, together with students from the 4^th High School, they investigated the beatings in 36 high schools in the Western District, and wrote a report. Principal Hu offered great help to the investigation.

关于王先生出示的那个名单，我是从胡杰电影里第一次看到的。名单是竖着写的，右上是师大女附中，靠下并排写着李松文  徐岩春  李小琦  马恬  王满华  刘进  宋彬彬。后来，2008年在一个博客里再次看到，指控说凶手就在里面。有同学看见那个名单后，告诉我说是李松文老师写的字，他教过她们班几何，很熟悉他的字体。于是我去找李老师，希望得到他的帮助。我把那个复印的名单拿给他，请他回忆一下当时的情况。过了几天，李老师打电话约我见面，详细讲了名单产生的前因后果。*

I first time saw the name list that was in Mr. Wang’s hand from the movie produced by Hu Jie.  The name list was written vertically.  At the right upper-hand corner were the characters High School for Girls. Below it were the names of Li Songwen, Xu Yanchun, Li Xiaoqi, Ma Tian, Wang Manhua, Liu Jin and Song Binbin were written side by side. Later in 2008 I saw the name list again in a blog which said the killer was in the list. A student saw the name list, and told me it was Teach Li Songwen’s handwriting. Li taught geometry to her class. She knew his handwriting well. Therefore, I went to see Teacher Li for help. I showed him a copy of the name list, and asked him to recall the circumstance. A few days later, Teacher Li called me by phone and invited me to see him.  In the meeting he talked about the name list in detail.

*他说，8月5日出事那天他带孩子看病去了，回到学校已经快6点了，听说出了事他就跑到后院，有几个学生堵着不让他过去，当时他找赵桂英老师又找校医刘大夫等等，心里很急。到了医院，医生不管救治，在场师生和医护人员发生了争执，大夫说要有学校证明才能抢救。当时已经很晚了，到哪里去开证明、盖公章？李老师问大夫签名做证行不行？医生说，不能让学生写条子，学生一毕业就没法找人了，要写也是老师写。于是，李松文老师在一张纸上竖着写了校名师大女附中，然后写下自己的名字，当时在场的还有其它老师和很多学生。签名是要承担责任的，他就问几个高年级的学生，我把你们的名字写上行不行？我们都说行，他就把几个认得的学生名字写上了。他当时正在教高二，所以有三个高二学生，李小琦、马恬、王满华，我、宋彬彬和徐岩春是高三的。

He said that he took his child to see doctor on August 5. It was nearly 6 o’clock when he returned to school. Hearing something was wrong he ran to the back courtyard. Several students wouldn’t let him in. He found Teacher Zhao Guiying and school doctor Liu. After arriving at the hospital, the doctor refused to rescue. The students and teachers argued with the hospital personnel. The doctor asked for an official document of the school, in order to start rescue. The time was very late then, where to get the official document and seal?  Teacher Li asked whether it was ok to sign their names?  The doctor said students’signatures were no good, as they would leave school after graduation. But teacher’s signature was OK. Therefore, in a piece of paper, Teacher Li Songwen wrote vertically the Chinese characters ‘The High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University’and his name. Some teachers and many students were present, too. Signing name meant responsibility.  He asked several senior students whether it was OK to write down their names. We all said OK. He then wrote down the names of several students whom he knew. At that time he was teaching senior high grade 2. So there were on the list three students of senior high grade 2: Li Xiaoqi, Ma Tian and Wang Manhua.  Song Binbin, Xu Yanchun and I were from senior high grade 3.  

李松文老师说，这是抢救以前我给大夫写的名单，不知道怎么到了王先生手里，大概是医院交给他的吧。还说：“那天你把名单给我看的时候，一看是我的字体，我都愣了。回家后仔细回忆，记得是这个过程。卞去世以后，大约9、10点钟，大多数人都各自回家了，我没有去北京饭店。

Teacher Li Songwen said: ‘this name list was what I wrote for the doctors before the rescue started, but didn’t know how it later fell into Mr. Wang’s hand. It was possible that the hospital gave it to him. Li also said: ‘ that day when you showed me the name list, I was shocked when seeing my own handwriting. After going home and recalling carefully, this event came back to my mind. After Bian passed away, most people went home around 9 to 10 o’clock. I didn’t go to the Beijing Hotel.’

主持人：那天打人的学生，许多目击者还能叫出她们的名字。我班有同学看到，刘致平副校长因为谢顶，头上被贴了一张墨汁涂黑的纸，高一某学生命令他跪着，做举手投降状，给他拍了照片。梅主任三十几岁，算是年轻力壮的人，让他挑土围小操场走一圈，再把土倒回原处。胡校长打扫操场附近的厕所，不少同学记得，她的白衬衫被墨汁染成黑色，黑裙子被撕到胯部，露出了粉色的内裤。没有任何工具，她只好用指甲抠厕所盖子上的污物。*

Host: Many witnesses still remember names of the students who beat up people. My classmates saw that vice principal Liu Zhiping who was bald on the top of his head, was pasted a piece of ink-soaked paper on the top of his head. A student from senior high grade 1 ordered him to kneel down, and lift his hands as to surrender, and took pictures of him. Dean Mei, in his 30s, relatively young and strong, was ordered to carry soil in basket on his shoulders, and walked around a small playground, and returned the soil to its original place. Principal Hu cleaned the toilets near the playground. Many students remember, her white shirt was dyed black by ink. Her skirt was tore to thighs, and pink underpants were exposed. Without any tool, she had to dig out the dirty stuff from the toilet lids.  

*卞校长被押到宿舍楼打扫卫生，我班同学看见卞校长时，她已经晃晃悠悠站立不稳了，被一个初二学生使劲按下头，逼她喝池子里的脏水。那个女生皮肤黝黑、身材高大，1967年有一次让校领导围着操场游街，她对胡校长又推又搡，使劲按她的脑袋，胡校长就是不低头，我清楚记得她的模样和胡校长当时愤怒的表情。她们殴打和羞辱校领导的手段简直令人发指。

Principal Bian was escorted to do cleaning in the dormitory building. When my classmates saw her, she was already not able stand steadily. A student from junior grade 2 pushed down her head, to force her to drink dirty water in a basin. The female student had dark skin and tall body. In 1967, once the school leaders were paraded around the playground, she pushed Principal Hu hard, and pressed her head down. Principal Hu wouldn’t lower her head insistantly. I clearly remember this female student’s face and Principal Hu’s angry expression. The ways by which those students beat and humiliated the school leaders make one’s hair stand up in anger.

叶维丽：可是，卞校长死后至今没有人站出来承认打过人。在很长一段时间里我脑子里老有两个人的形象在晃，都是高一的。一个大胖脸，一个瘦高个儿。这两个人做的一件事让我记住了她们。文革开始后有一次工作组组织学生去教工宿舍参观，看老师的“资产阶级生活方式”。经过教我们语文的王老师家，她不在，保姆正抱着她的小孩在外面，当时我们班走在高一那个班的后面，我看见那两个人竟然啐那个小孩儿。我当时特别反感，心想即使小孩的妈妈十恶不赦，小孩又有什么罪？卞校长死后，有人告诉我打人的学生中就有那两个人，我一下子觉得特别可能。今天回过头想，正是众人的沉默助长了她们后来的恶行。

Ye Weili: However, since the death of Principle Bian, no one has stood out to admit that she had beaten people. In a very long time I always have images of two students lingering in my mind. They were both of senior high grade 1. One had a big fat face. The other had a thin tall body. I remember them by one thing they did. After the beginning of the cultural revolution, one day the work team organized the students to visit the teachers’ dorms, to look at ‘the life style of the bourgeoisie’. When passing the home of Teacher Wang, our language teacher, she was not home. Her maid was holding her child standing outside. At that time my class was walking behind those two girls’ class. I saw they were spitting the child. I was feeling extremely bad. Even thought the mother was evil, what wrong did the child do? After the death of Principal Bian, I was told that these two students were among the beaters. At once I felt it very possible. As I recalled today, it was the silence of most people that encouraged them to do evils later.   

刘进：8月5日的暴力行为使卞校长死于非命，其它校领导身心也受到严重伤害，我没有预想到会发生那样惨重的后果。出事后我真是后悔死了，没有果断地拼全力去制止暴力行为，我感到非常对不起卞校长、胡校长等老师。几十年过去了，这种悔恨和负疚感丝毫没有减弱。这也是我和宋彬彬为什么要在60岁以后克服许多困难、坚持调查学校文革事件的动因。

The violence of August 5 caused the death of Principal Bian, and inflicted severe mental and physical damages to other school leaders. I didn’t expect such miserable consequences. After the incident, I felt extreme regret, as I didn’t try my best to stop the violence. I felt very regrettable for Principal Bian, Principal Hu and other teachers. Dozens of years have passed, but the remorse and guilt in my heart have never weakened. This is why Song Binbin and I, after age of 60, have overcome many difficulties and persistently investigated the cause of events in the cultural revolution.

我曾在文革40周年时，带着鲜花和叶维丽、于羚去看望王先生。我也几次登门看望过梅老师。有一次他问我：“我们挨斗时你们在哪里？为什么不来救我？”当时这话对我的震动非常大，我郑重地给梅老师写了一封道歉信。经多次沟通，他终于敞开心扉和我谈起了8月5日的遭遇。他说：“为什么你们不能一直呆在那儿，为什么要走开？如果是你们的父亲，你们能走吗？”我说自己追悔莫及，是我的父亲我肯定不会走。他说你们都是学生党员，是我们最信任的学生，在最关键的时候你们在哪里？我觉得梅老师对我提出的质问，也是大多数老师的质问。我非常感谢梅老师对我的批评，感谢他能告诉我当天的情况和他的感受。

At the 40^th anniversary of the cultural revolution, Ye Weili, Yu Ling and I went to see Mr. Wang with fresh flowers. I also went to see Teacher Mei several times. Once he asked me: ‘where were you at when we were being denounced? Why did you not come to help me?’I was very shocked by the questions. Later I wrote an earnest letter to Teacher Mei. After many times of communication, he at last opened his mind to me and talked about his experience on August 5.  He ask: ‘Why did you not keep staying there? Why did you go away? If I had been your father, would you have left anyway?’ I said I regretted a lot, and would not have left if he had been my father. He said: ‘you all were student Party members.  We trusted you most. Where were you at the most critical moment? ‘ I feel that teacher Mei questioned me on behalf of most of the teachers. I am very grateful for Teacher Mei’s criticism, and for that he told me that day’s situation and his experience.

  

叶维丽：你、我、宋彬彬和于羚咱们四个人一起去看过一次梅老师。我们进门时，我感到梅老师似乎不那么欢迎我们，老师一般看到学生来都很高兴，而他不是。当时我走在后面，宋彬彬说了一句话，“我们当时真的很对不起老师们。”声音不高，我听见了。还有一句印象深的话是梅老师说的，他问你（刘进）和宋彬彬，“你们当时在哪儿？”他反复地问，老围着这句话说，给我的印象非常深。你们曾是他精心培养的学生，在那天没有“搭救”他和其它领导让他心里受到很深的伤害。我很高兴刘进这些年能和梅老师多次沟通，反复交换意见，倾听梅老师的心声。

Ye Weili: Four of us, you, Song Binbin, Yu Ling and I, went to see Teacher Mei. At the  door, I did’t feel welcome by him. Generally, teachers were happy to see visiting students. But he was not. At the time I walked at the last. Song Binbin said: ‘At that time we didn’t do enough for teachers. Very sorry.’Her voice was not loud, but I heard it. I was also deeply impressed by a sentence Teacher Mei said. He asked you (Liu Jin) and Song Binbin: ‘Where were you at that time?’He asked again and again, always talking on this topic. I was deeply impressed. You were his well-educated students, but didn’t save him and other school leaders, which made him very sad. I am very glad the Liu Jin has communicated with Teacher Mei these years, exchanged points of views again and again, and listened to his opinions. 

宋彬彬：那天去看梅老师，一进门看见他满头白发的样子，我心里充满愧疚，就说了对不起老师的话，这是发自内心的、一直想说的话。虽然8月5日事发当天，我们也去劝说、阻止过，但是并没有预想到事态的极端后果。想到卞校长被学生暴力殴打死于非命，其它校领导老师们身心遭受重创，40多年来我一直非常痛心、愧疚和懊悔。利用这个机会，我想再次表示对他们的歉意和追悔。

Song Binbin: We went to see Teacher Mei the other day. I felt guilty when seeing his hair was completely white, and said sorry to him. That word was in my heart for a long time. We dissuaded and tried to stop the beating on August 5, but didn’t expect the extreme results of the event. For last 40 years or so, when thinking that Principal Bian was beaten to death by students, and other school leaders suffered serious damages mentally and physically, I felt painful, guilty and remorse.  I would take this opportunity to apologize again.    

叶维丽：在该怎么看刘进、宋彬彬她们这些师生代表会主要骨干在“八五”当天表现的问题上，我反复想过。最重要的是一定要放到当时的大背景中去看，不应该不顾历史的制约去苛求，同时也不能大而化之，而应该很仔细地去考察。这不是非黑即白的事，更何况在8月初极端混乱的状态下。

Ye Weili: On the question of how to evaluate the performance of Lin Jin and Song Bing and other backbone members of the congress of teachers and students on August 5.  After carefully thinking about it, I think the most important thing is to consider the incident on the large background at that time. It is necessary to keep the historical conditions in mind. Careful evaluation is needed. This is not an issue of black or white. The incident happened in early August when the situation was in great disorder.

我觉得刘进、宋彬彬她们那天参与将卞校长送进医院，坚持要医院抢救，并和李松文老师等一道留下姓名做担保，在当时的情况下，是十分不容易的，值得充分肯定。她们在卞仲耘去世后连夜向上级汇报，也是负责任的态度。在问题方面，我觉得可以总结为八个字：劝阻无力，反应迟缓。“劝阻无力”是指在游斗校领导的过程中她们曾几次出面干预，但在客观效果上没有解决任何问题。在当时的大背景下，她们是不可能质疑斗争校领导的“革命行动”的，只能说说“斗争是可以的，不要打人”之类的话。*

Liu Jin and Song Binbin sent Principal Bian to the hospital, insisted the hospital to rescue, and left their names as warrantee, together with Teach Li Songwen. It was really not easy under the circumstance of that time. After the death of Bian Zhongyun, they went to report to higher authorities at night. This was an attitude of responsibility.  But there were two major problems: ineffective dissuasion and slow response. The ineffective dissuasion means during the parading and denouncing, they have interfered several times, but no problem was solved. In the situation of that time, it was impossible for them to question the ‘reactionary action’of denouncing the school leaders, but only advised the beaters that ‘denouncing is allowed, just don’t beat them.’.

*吴德在他的口述回忆中说，有一位市委大学部的干部遭到学生围攻殴打，去解围的人对学生说，要打死他先打死我，这样才把人救下来。这种用抗命的方式来阻止打人的做法，在绝大多数斗争会上是没有出现的，没在女附中发生毫不奇怪。遇到当天那种场面，不要说是中学生，就是成年人，没有相当的政治经验和担当精神，也是不可能力挽狂澜的。

In his dictated memoir, Wu De said that when a cadre was surrounded and beaten by students, a rescuer talked to them: ‘Beat me to death first before beat him to death’. So the cadre was saved. This way of stopping beating with one’s own life did not happen in most denouncement meetings, so it is not at all strange that it didn’t in the High School for Girls. When encountered with the situation of August 5, even adults with rich political experience could not revert the situation, let alone high school students.  

我说的“反应迟缓”，指的是对卞仲耘的抢救行动迟缓。当然，根据卞倒下时的情形，就算及时送医院也很可能是回天无力了，但这是另外的问题。我的估计是，卞大约在4点多钟倒下，大约7点左右把她送到近在咫尺的邮电医院，这中间有至少两个小时左右的耽搁。为什么会有这么长时间的耽搁？我在署名“白芳”的文章中也问了这个问题。工作组倒台后，师生代表会是个“妾身不明”的机构，在阻止打人的问题上，特别是在当时疯狂革命的氛围中，她们说话“理不直，气不壮”，劝阻无力完全可以理解。但一旦事发，在救人的问题上，恐怕只有她们能出面了，你不管没人管了。耽搁了两个小时左右才送医院，不能不说是“反应迟缓”

‘Slow response’ means the slow rescue of Bian. Of course, judging by her condition when she fell down, it is very possible that there was no way to save her even she was sent to the hospital in time. But this is another issue. My investigation indicates that Bian fell down at about 4 pm, and was sent to nearby Hospital of Post and Communication at 7pm. Between these two points of time there were at least a delay of two hours. Why was there such a long delay?  I asked this question in my article by name of Bai Fang.  After the fall of work team, the congress of teachers and students was an organization with uncertain power, on the issue of preventing beating, in particular in the atmosphere of frenzy revolution, the congress was not confident, therefore not effective in dissuading and preventing. This is understandable. But when someone was beaten up to death, they were the only one that could come out to do it. No one else could.  But coming out after a delay of two hours, it was still a slow response.

。

我倾向相信刘进说的，你们在听到人（卞）躺在垃圾车里奄奄一息的消息时，马上就行动了。但卞校长在后院躺了两个小时之久，为什么你们那么迟才接到消息？这个问题一直在我脑子里。长时间的耽搁至少反映了人们的恐惧、退缩和对生命的漠视，因为当时很多人都看见了卞仲耘的惨状。八五事件是女附中的奇耻大辱，不仅因为校长被少数人折磨致死——我相信参与打人的毕竟是少数，也因为大多数人的表现也会受到今人的指摘和谴责。就算你没打人，你围观了，就是做了看客。

I tend to believe Liu Jin’s statement that you took action immediately after hearing that Bian was dying in the garbage cart. But she lied in the backyard for two hours, why did you receive the information so late?  This question has always been in my mind. The long-time delay at lease reflected people’s fear, cowering and negligence for life.  At that time many people saw Principal Bian’s miserable status. The August 5 Incident is a great shame for the High School for Girls. The Principal was tortured to death by a handful of people, not the majority. But the majority will be criticized and condemned today, too. Even though you didn’t beat but just watch, you were a spectator of the evil.   

对生命的漠视是一代人的问题，我是这代人的一员，说这些话绝不仅仅是站在外面或高处去指责别人，它还包含着深深的自责。看胡杰的电影时我感到无地自容。第一次见到王晶垚先生时，我给他写了一句话：“做为女附中的学生，我感到有罪。”这是心里话。

Negligence of life is the problem of our generation. As a member of this generation, I am not accusing other people from outside or a higher point. It includes a deep blame of self. I feel ashamed when watching Hu Jie’s movie. When I met Mr. Wang Jinggui the first time, I wrote him a sentence: ‘I feel guilty as a student of the High School for Girls.’ This is from my heart.