Are there mists that becloud this vista? There are.
Our Prominent Alumnae were reared under the totalitarian benevolence of Mao Zedong’s state where debate took place in a narrow channel bounded by the rocky cliffs of reverence for Mao Zedong on one bank and worshipful reverence for Mao Zedong on the other. Temper and The Martyr received their advanced degrees in the U.S. but manifestly skipped any Occidental tutelage in the forensic arts. Readers will find this becoming hallmark of Chinese critical inquiry evident in the documents below and as convenience this writer will cite to the passages.The result of this classical Chinese education and the unnecessary classes skipped in the U.S. is an intellectual product refreshingly unencumbered by the Western obstructions logic, coherence, and common sense.
The first passage I call the reader’s attention to (# 1 in red in the margin of the documents) is that below which introduces the Prominent Alumnae’s discussion “On Song Binbin.”
This is unhelpful.
Oh God. Nice introduction, huh? “Our next guest has been accused of mass murder. Song Binbin, tell us about the time you met your head of state.”
American defense attorneys, what would you do if one of your witnesses testified to this?
The reason that American criminal lawyers would react like this is that what Feng Jinglang says here is so prejudicial to Song Binbin as to make it inadmissible by the prosecution against her on the issue of her involvement if any in the murder of Bian Zhongyun. And if a defense witness testified to it inadvertently there would almost certainly be a mistrial. If a defense witness testified to it with the defense attorney’s knowledge, the defense attorney should go into another line of work like dentistry.
It is the passage above that led me to write on August 29, “Chinese do not argue well.” Was Feng Jinglang drunk? What was she thinking? How could anyone with any common sense say this thinking—as Feng clearly does--that it would be favorable to Song? Feng has just cited—by name—to another person who has accused Song of being a mass murderer. Feng thinks it sufficient refutation of the accusation of mass murder to speculate—“I believe”—that other people, Song’s classmates, would “laugh” at the very idea.
An allegation of mass murder is no laughing matter. These are specific allegations of specific crimes by a named individual. Feng says nothing about who Qian Jia-ju is or why Qian Jia-ju should be disbelieved out of hand, with a “laugh.” I understand these murders allegedly to have occurred when Song was a “sent down” student, in Hubei province and Inner Mongolia, that is not in Beijing. Students were sent all over the country in that movement. So how many of Song’s classmates from a school in Beijing could testify to what she did or didn’t do in Wuhan or Inner-f!%$#*&-Mongolia?
If Song Binbin is ever charged with a crime, she should hire “local counsel,” she should not rely on her friends.
And she shouldn’t represent herself.
I think that after more than 40 years, what we need to do today is not to ‘catch the murderer’, but confront our own conscience. Our hair is turning white. Late at the quiet night, do we ever search in our own heart? Our engagement in introspection can be individual only, just like we think about it each time we make decision on what to do. In my investigation on the death of Principal Bian, I’ve found that many alumna and I have same question: why the students from the best school for girls in those days, could have done such bloody atrocities? We are all looking for answers.
主持人：上网查找“宋彬彬”，内容虽然五花八门，但是指向基本一致，就是欠了七八条人命。千家驹《自撰年谱》称：“宋彬彬和人比赛，哪一个红卫兵打死了六个人，她为了胜过那个人，就打死了八个人”。我相信，当年在校的老三届1600多名学生，不论对她有什么看法，绝大多数人看了这一条都会发笑。所以，在这个访谈的最后，要请宋彬彬讲讲关于她自己的事。请先说说“宋要武”的来历。
1 Host: Searching ‘Song Binbin’ on the Internet, one gets very different results. But all of them have one theme: Song killed seven or eight people. Qian Jia-ju says in his : Song Binbin competed killing people with others. A red guard killed six. In order to win the competition, Song killed eight’. I believe all the 1600 students in the High School at that time would laugh at this statement, no matter what opinion she had towards Song. So I would invite Song talk about herself, starting from the name of Song Yaowu’.
宋彬彬： 我班同学记得，8·18下午回到学校后很多人过来跟我握手，还有人开玩笑：“彬彬，你以后就改名叫要武吧！”我说那是毛主席说的，我不配。
当天下午，《光明日报》一位男记者到学校来采访我，他问毛接见我的情况，我就把那两句话讲了，再多也没有了。他让我写下来，我不写，说就这么两句话有什么好写的。后来我还和几个同学说起记者约稿的事，她们也说就这两句话有啥可写的？不写。
Song: My classmates may remember that after we returned to school on August 18, many people came to shake hands with me. Some said to me: ‘Binbin, you’d better change your name to “yaowu”’. I said that was what Chairman Mao said, but I didn’t deserve it. That afternoon, a man journalist from the Guangming Daily came to school and interviewed me. He asked me the situation when seeing Chairman Mao. I told him about the dialogue of the two sentences. He asked me to write it down. I didn’t write, saying that it was not necessary to write just two sentences. I denied. Later I talked to some schoolmates about the journalist’s request. They all agreed to not writing.
可是没想到，8月20日《光明日报》发表了一篇文章，题目是“我给毛主席戴上红袖章”，署名宋要武括号宋彬彬。当时我看到那篇文章非常生气，对班里同学说，别说宋要武，现在连宋彬彬这个名字我也不想要了。毛主席和我的简单对话，我班同学没有人认为那是毛要我改名，40多年来同学们没有一个人喊过我宋要武。
However, I never expected that on August 20, the Guangming Daily published an article in the title of “I put red armband to Chairman Mao’. The author was Song Yaowu (Song Binbin). I was very angry when reading this article, and told classmates that I wanted to take neither Song Yaowu nor Song Binbin. My classmates didn’t think that Mao requested me to change name in that simple dialogue. And no classmate has ever called me Song Yaowu in last 40 years since then.
后来我一直想找到那个记者，希望他能站出来，说句公道话。先后找过相关的人，都说那个时候不实行实名制，不知道谁写的。
Later I always intended to find that reporter, hoping he would come out and do me justice. I have talked to relevant people, but was told that reporters didn’t sign true names at that time, therefore there was no way to find him.
主持人：我看过有人写的文章，说师大女附中也改名“红色要武中学”了，很可笑。当时我看见红纸黑字“红色要武中学”贴在校牌上，16岁的我心里一直在冷笑。当年在校的老师学生谁能接受这个名字？它比师大女附中好听吗？没过几天红纸就被扯干净了。
Host: I read an article, saying the School for Girls had changed the name to ‘Red Yaowu High School’. It is funny. At that time I saw the sign of ‘Red Yaowu High School’, feeling bad at heart. I was 16 then. No teacher or student could accept this name. Is it better than the High School for Girls? The sign was torn off after a few days.
宋彬彬：8月21日《人民日报》转载了《光明日报》那篇文章，立刻就在全国传开了，我是百口难辩，再说什么都没人信了。后来经常有外边的人来学校看我，看到我都很失望：“你怎么是这样啊？一点儿不是我们想象中的样子。
Song: On August 21, the article was reproduced by People’s Daily, and spread over the whole nation immediately. I was not able to clear things out. Nobody would believe the truth that I would tell. Later many people from other places came to see me, and they were disappointed when seeing me. They said: how come you look like this? You are not like what we liked to see.
8月19日我和刘进宣布退出“筹委会”以后，基本上就退出了学校的运动，成了逍遥派。我们班保工作组的人都成了逍遥派，我们成立了一个小组叫“中流击水”，有人说我们是“中午击水”，因为每天中午我们都到八一湖去游泳。当时名字的问题给我很大烦恼，我说，我不叫宋要武，也不能叫宋彬彬了，我们小组的同学说这么办吧，咱们翻字典，翻到哪儿算哪儿。一个同学拿来一本字典，随便翻了一页，手指“岩”字，我觉得可以，就在那个时候改名叫宋岩，以后插队、工作都是叫宋岩。
After Liu Jin and I announced to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19, I basically withdrew from the school’s movement, becoming a free person. All my classmates defending the work team became free people. We established a group called ‘hitting the water in the middle of the river’. Some people called us ‘hitting the water in the middle of day’, as we went swimming in the lake every noon. My name upset me a lot. I didn’t like Song Yaowu, but could not return to Song Binbin, either. People in my group proposed that we would browse a dictionary, and randomly pick a character. A classmate brought a dictionary, randomly went to a page, and pointed to a character with her finger. Her finger was on the character ‘Yan2’(rock). I felt it OK, and changed my name to Song Yan. After that I used Song Yan in the countryside and work.
于羚：当时我们学校来的信都在门房（传达室）里，有个大纸盒子，学生都去那儿找信。我是住校生，父母都调外地工作了，我的家信比较多，总跑去看信。给我印象特别深的是，“八一八”过后，传达室大纸盒子里的信骤增，铺天盖地的都是“宋要武收”。 当时我就认为这个名字是强加给宋彬彬的，我不认为宋彬彬愿意改这个名字，那时我并不认识她。现在看来，所谓改名的始作俑者，就是《光明日报》记者，他的那篇文章将“宋要武”凝固成一个符号，但“宋要武”从来就不是宋彬彬。
Yu Ling: At the time, all incoming letters to the school were in the reception room. There was a big box. Students always looked for their letters in it. I was a boarding student, as my parents had been transferred to another city. Receiving more letters, I often went to collect them. I was deeply impressed that after August 18, incoming letters in the big box suddenly increased. All of them were addressed to Song Yaowu. At that time I didn’t know her in person. Now it is clear that the name change was started by the reporter of Guangming Daily. His article symbolized ‘Song Yaowu. But this ‘Song Yaowu’has never been Song Binbin.
主持人：高三1班刘沂伦也说拆看过不少信，多得根本看不完，也没多大意思。信的内容基本上是两类，一类是向“宋要武”表示致敬、学习，决心“把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底”，一类是向“宋要武”汇报他们那里文化大革命如何遇到挫折了，走资派或保皇派如何压制造反派了，希望“宋要武”能去支持他们。有一封信是从武汉一个学校寄来的，信中说，“宋要武”在武汉发表言论支持保皇派，保湖北省委，“我们革命造反派感到非常失望和愤怒”，希望她悬崖勒马。由此刘沂伦知道宋彬彬到武汉去了一趟，在武汉做了“保皇派”。
宋彬彬，除了8·18上天安门戴袖章的事，很多人对你的武汉之行有深刻记忆，网上也有各种传说，下面请你谈谈为什么去武汉，在那里做了什么？
Host: Liu Yilun at class 1 of senior high grade 3 also opened many letters, too many to read. The letters were mostly meaningless, and could belong to two categories. One was to pay respect to Song Yaowu, learn from her, and was determined to carry the cultural revolution to the end. The other type was to tell her that the cultural revolution was subdued, the capitalist-roaders suppressed the rebel faction, and hoped that Song could come and support them. A letter from a school in Wuhan said that Song Yaowu supported royalists and defended the Hubei Provincial Committee, ‘We revolutionary rebel faction are feeling very disappointed and angry,’and hoping she will act in the nick of time. Therefore, Liu Yilun knew that Song had a trip to Wuhan, and defended the provincial committee there. Song Binbin, besides the event of August 18, many people deeply remember your trip to Wuhan. There are various legends on the Internet. Please tell us why you went to Wuhan, and what you did over there?
叶维丽：我插一句，因为湖北这事有一个署名传单，白纸黑字，在我们低年级学生印象中，觉得你用过宋要武这个名字，至少在我印象里是这样。第一次刘进介绍我跟你面谈时，我一上来就对你说：“你在卡玛的电影里说，从来没用过‘宋要武’这个名字，把话说满了。”理由就是我当年的那个印象。当时你很不愿意谈去湖北的事，也就没有谈。这个事情我觉得到了应该澄清的时候了。
Ye Weili: I beg to interpose. You signed the name of Song Yaowu in a pamphlet published in Hubei. So we thought you used this name. At our first meeting connected by Liu Jin, I said to you: “You said in Karma’s movie that you never used the name of ‘Song Yaowu.’ That statement was not completely true.” The reason comes exactly from your trip to Wuhan. At that time you didn’t like to talk about that trip, and I didn’t insist. I am feeling that it is time now for you talk about it.
宋彬彬：2007年12月25日圣诞节那天，我参加班里十几个同学的一个聚会，有同学提到了这件事，并回忆起我当年说过的话，大家鼓励我写出当年的经过。关于去武汉这件事，我一直不想说，担心伤害到别人。我班一个同学曾在湖北黄石工作，她说当地很多人因为我支持了保守派，都特别恨我。我想我已经被骂了，骂多骂少都一样，反正我就是不愿意讲武汉的事。
Song Binbin: On December 25, 2007, I attended a party with more than 10 classmates. Someone mentioned this trip, and recalled what I said then. They encouraged me to write my experience with it. I didn’t like to talk about the trip to Wuhan, in order not to hurt other people. One of my classmates worked in Hubei. She said that many people there hated me. I was scolded many times, but still was not willing to talk about the Wuhan trip.
事情是这样的，湖北省委书记王任重文革初期是中央文革小组成员，他找我和刘进去钓鱼台，动员我们两个到武汉去，时间是“八一八”之后。因为家长之间的关系，王任重认得我们俩。他还找了清华附中骆小海、卜大华等比较有名、有影响的学生，想动员我们到湖北去保省委。
Now I will talk my trip to Hubei. Wang Renzhong, Hubei’s provincial Party secretary, was a member of the cultural revolution group of the central committee in early cultural revolution. He invited Liu Jin and I to Diao Yu Tai, and asked us to go to Wuhan. The time was after August 18. Due to the relationship between parents, Wang Renzhong knew two of us. He also invited Luo Xiaohai, Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University. He invited all of us to Hubei, to defend the provincial committee.
刘进：王任重说湖北省委是革命的，现在有人反对省委，这件事可能是有什么背景的。他当时背了一段毛主席语录，然后就问咱们怎么办？你马上说，那不行啊，不能让他们反对省委。王任重说：“那你们能不能去一趟武汉？”我说不是让自己解放自己吗？怎么还让我们去呀？我当时是脱口而出，没有多想什么，就觉得和“自己解放自己”的精神不一样，干嘛让我们去呀，湖北还有湖北人呢！然后王任重就问你：“彬彬，那你呢？”你说你可以去。
Liu Jin: Wang Renzhong said that the Hubei Provincial Committee was revolutionary. But some people were opposed to it, which might have a background. He recited a quotation from Chairman, and asked us what to do? You said immediately that you were not allowed to oppose the provincial committee. Wang Renzhong said: ‘Can you go to Wuhan?’I said: ‘Are people encouraged to liberate themselves? Why are we asked to go? I blurted out the words, and didn’t think much, but felt it was not in the spirit of ‘liberating selves’. ‘Why do we have to go? Are there people in Hubei?’Then Wang Renzhong asked you: ‘Binbin, what about you?’ You said you could go.
宋彬彬：我答应去武汉，是基于对王任重的信任。抗战时期他是我父亲的老部下，在大灾荒中他俩还同拉一个犁杖耕过地，父亲曾经说过王任重是冀南军区四大才子之一。实际上去武汉的许多细节我都记不清了，是在近年调查中，渐渐串起来的记忆碎片。
Song Binbin: I agreed to go to Wuhan, because I trusted Wang Renzhong. He was my father’s long-time subordinate during the war against Japan. He and my father pulled same plow during the great hunger. My father praised Wang as one of four talents in his army. In fact I don’t remember many details in Wuhan, but pieces of memory were recalled in the investigation in recent years.
我是1966年9月初去的武汉。到武汉后，我们被安排住在湖北省委第二招待所（在我们之后来的清华附中骆小海、卜大华也住这儿）。随后就有好多保守派大学生来找我，让我们支持他们。我说我们得先到大学去看一下，看完以后再做结论。我们去了好几所大学和武钢，看大字报、开座谈会，跑了几天，大家讨论的结果是：湖北省委基本是好的，应该三七开。我们就写了个草稿让他们先看看。一天早上，我们看到了《长江日报》夹带着署名宋要武等5人的公开信，非常惊讶。公开信不是我们的原稿，做了很大的改动，不但措辞激烈，还夹带着当时流行的骂人粗话。当时我一看到“宋要武”三个字，就非常气愤，立即去湖北省委找到负责同志询问。他和我谈了很长时间，声泪俱下地说：“我们跟着毛主席爬雪山过草地，抗战八年吃了多少苦，牺牲了多少同志，现在要打倒我们，我们怎么会是反党、反毛主席的人呢？”*
I went to Wuhan in early September 1966. Upon arrival, we were accommodated in a provincial hotel. After us, Luo Xiaohai and Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University also arrived and stayed there. College students defending the provincial committee came to see us for our support. I said we had to visit universities, to reach conclusion. We visited several universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, reading big-character posters and calling conferences. We discussed after a few days, and the conclusion was: Hubei Provincial Committee basically was good, with 30% failure and 70% success. We drafted an article for them to read. In a morning, we read an open letter in the Yangtze Daily, signed by Song Yaowu and other 4 people, and were very surprised. The open letter was not our draft but very different from it. Not only wording was intense, but also mixed with prevalent vulgar language. I was very upset when seeing ‘Song Yaowu’, and immediately went to the provincial committee to talk the person in charge. He talked to me for a long time, and cried: ‘We followed Chairman Mao to climb the snowy mountains, cross the grassland, go through the hardship in anti-Japan war, and many comrades have died. Now they try to get to us. How can we be anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao?’
*说老实话，我非常同情他们，不相信他们会是反党反毛主席的走资派。我说，我们可以声明支持省委，但你们也要实事求是，那个公开信不是我写的，你们不能以我的名义发表，而且我也不叫“宋要武”。他们同意我写一份声明，然后交给省委印发。当晚我就写好了声明，我觉得湖北省委是好的，不同意打倒湖北省委，也不愿意看到两派群众的对立。可是他们突然通知我，说我父亲病重，火车票已经给我们5人买好了，我心里着急就把写好的声明交给了他们，请他们给予发表。回家一见到我妈，就问我爸得了什么病，我妈说你爸没病啊。我这才明白，实际上是湖北省委想支走我。*
Frankly, I was very sympathetic with them, and didn’t believe they were capitalist-roaders of anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao. I said that we could make a statement to support the provincial committee, but they had to be realistic, too. I didn’t write the open letter. It could not be published in my name. And my name was not Song Yaowu. They agreed that I would write a statement, and gave to the provincial committee to print and distribute. At that night I finished writing the statement, saying the Hubei Provincial Committee was good, and I didn’t agree to knock it down, and didn’t like to see the opposition of the two factions of people, either. But they suddenly told me that my father was very sick, and they had purchased the train tickets for us five people. I worried a lot, and gave them the statement, and asked them to publish. Arriving home, I asked what the matter was with my father. My mom answered that my father was not sick. At that time I realized that the Hubei Provincial Committee was trying to send me away.
*我跟妈妈讲了经过，她劝我以后不要再提这事了。妈妈说他们那样做的确不对，但他们是在危难关头，已经被斗、被打、被逼无奈了，处于那种情况下，他们不得不出此下策，就是想利用“宋要武”的名声保自己，而你却那么较真儿，还要写什么声明，人家是拿你没办法了才想的招儿。听了妈妈的话，我觉得我可以理解这件事，自那以后我从没提过武汉之行，直到现在。
I told my mom about the trip. She advised me not to mention it again. She said it was incorrect for them to do this, but they were at a juncture of calamity, had been denounced and beaten up, and had no way out. Under that circumstance, they adopted this trick of taking advantage of the name of Song Yaowu to protect themselves. But I took it too earnestly, and intended to publish a statement. Without any other way out, they sent me away. Listening to mother’s words, I felt to be able to understand those people. Since then I never discussed the trip to Wuhan, until now.
主持人：我这里有那份夹在《长江日报》中的传单，题目是《致北京、武汉革命同学的公开信》，全文不到3000字，公开信发表时间是1966年9月6日，署名宋要武 华小康 刘静梓 朱培 潘小红，后4人是高一2班学生。
Host: I have here the pamphlet inserted in the Yangtze Daily, in the title of ‘An open letter to the revolutionary students in Beijing and Wuhan’. The whole letter consists of less than 3000 characters. The letter was published on September 6, 1966, and was signed by Song Yaowu, Hua Xiaokang, Liu Jingzi, Zhu Pei and Pan Xiaohong. The latter four people were students from class 2 of senior high grade 1.
刘进：刘静子（传单写成刘静梓）写过文章，说到当年的事。她们到武汉后，借了几辆自行车，去武汉大学、华中工学院等多所高校和武钢看大字报，开座谈会，讨论湖北省委到底该不该打倒，取得了共识，认为是革命的就打不倒。但对省委的功过多少开，意见是分歧的。*
Liu Jin: Liu Jingzi wrote an article about the trip. After arriving in Wuhan, they borrowed a few bicycles and went to University of Wuhan, Central China Engineering College, several other universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, to read big-character posters, call conferences, and discuss whether the provincial committee needed to be knocked down. Consensus was reached that the provincial committee should not be knocked down as it was revolutionary. But there were different opinions on the provincial committee’s merits and demerits.
*宋彬彬被省委叫去谈话，回来后心情激动，把原来的三七开变成了二八开。宋彬彬和张小康——传单上是华小康，一人执笔一人口述，开始打草稿，内容多为分析和说理，写得像温吞水。她们没想到草稿变成铅字公开发表时，文章不但被改得面目全非，而且还有很多骂人的话，是杀气腾腾的“右派宣言”。当她们拿到传单时“全体都傻了，尤其忘不了宋彬彬的表情”，大家一致认为得写个声明，说清文章不是她们写的，不能代表她们的观点。后来，湖北省委给她们买好了火车票，把她们打发走了。
Song Binbin was invited by the provincial committee to talk. She was excited when coming back. She changed the original 30% failure versus 70% success to 20% failure versus 80% success. Song Binbin and Zhang Xiaokang started to draft an article, with one person dictating and the other writing. The content mostly was analysis and reasoning, so was quite mild. But they never expected that when the draft was published, it was totally changed, and lots of names callings were added. It became an ultra-rightist declaration. They were all stunned when seeing the pamphlet, in particular Song Binbin’s expression. All of them thought they had to write a statement, to say they didn’t write the article. It was not their opinion. Later, the Hubei provincial committee purchased train tickets, and sent them away.
主持人：我看这事一说就清楚了，湖北省委扛不住了，想利用北京来的学生，特别是“宋要武”这三个字，震慑一下造反的本地学生。从8月19日声明退出“筹委会”以后到文革结束，除了武汉事件以外，还有与你有关的事吗？
2 Host: This matter is clear. The Hubei Provincial Committee was not able to work by itself, and intended to intimidate the local rebel students with students from Beijing, particularly ‘Song Yaowu’. From announcing to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19 to the end of cultural revolution, did you take part in any other relevant activities, besides the trip to Wuhan?
宋彬彬：没有。关于我在文革初期参与的活动，基本上就是这些。请允许我利用这个机会，在此郑重声明：我从来没有参加或组织过任何打人、抄家、斗同学等暴力或过激行动；除了武汉这件事以外，我也没有参与过外地红卫兵、保守派或造反派的任何活动。
Song: No. That’s all of my activities in the early cultural revolution. I would take this opportunity to make a statement: I’ve never taken part in or organized any violence or radical activities such as beating, searching house or denouncing students. Except for the trip to Wuhan, I’ve never taken part in any activities of conservative or rebel factions in other places.
叶维丽：去年《南方周末》有一篇纪念汶川地震一周年的文章， 题目叫《不要让地震成为一个传说》，我读后就想，我们也不能让文革成为一个传说。关于宋彬彬的事情，今天确实成了传说。
Ye Weili: Last year,‘The Southern Weekend’ published an article to mark the 1st anniversary of the Wenchuan earthquake. The title is’Don’t let the earthquake to become a legend. We should not allow the cultural revolution to become a legend, either. Song Binbin has indeed become a legend.
主持人：前年我看到王容芬女士的一篇文章，文中提到了原师大女附中老师林莽（又名陈洪涛）讲的一件事：文革中宋彬彬穿着绸衬衫、花裙子，身旁站着高大的男生，提审他和一位历史老师。他遭到了那个大个男生和几个女红卫兵的毒打。那天夜里他决定和母亲一起触电自杀，但没死成。林莽的这一说法完全是张冠李戴。那位历史老师证实，林莽讲的事情发生在1968年下半年工宣队进校后“清理阶级队伍”时期。当时66届学生基本离校，部分就业，大部下乡插队。学校恢复招生，就近入学，才有了男生。事实上，该历史老师也并没有和林莽一起被提审过，林先生更不可能见过宋彬彬——那时候，宋彬彬已被“四人帮”的亲信软禁在沈阳。可见，王容芬的文章中所写的宋彬彬也是关于她的传说之一。
Host: In the year before last, I read an article by Ms. Wang Rongfen, which mentioned a story by Lin Mang (another name of this person is Chen Hongtao). During the culture revolution, Song Binbin once wore silk shirt and fancy skirt, with a tall boy student standing by her, interrogated Lin and a teacher of history. He was beaten up by the boy student and several female red guards. That night he decided to commit suicide with electricity together with his mother, but failed to die. That teacher of history has verified that the event happened after the worker propaganda team came to the school in 1968 when all graduates of 1966 had left. Some worked in Beijing, most went to the countryside. The school had recruited new students including both boys and girls. In fact, that teacher of history was not interrogated with Lin Mang. Mr. Lin was not possible to meet Song Binbin, either. At that time, Song was house arrested in Shenyang by the Gang of Four’s accomplice. Obviously, Wang Rongfen’s article is another legend of Song Binbin.
宋彬彬：我接着把自己的事大概讲一下。1967年初，邓小平被打倒后，江青把我父亲打为东北最大的走资派。她在一次会上大骂我父亲保刘邓，反毛主席，还说宋任穷的鬼女儿跑到武汉去保湖北省委如何如何。1968年4月初，我和母亲被“四人帮”的亲信押送到沈阳，妈妈被关押在东北局替爸爸挨批斗，不许回家，后来又被押到干校劳改。而我被软禁起来，不允许和外界有任何联系。
Song: Let me continue my story. In early 1967 after Deng Xiaoping was down, Jiang Qing labeled my father as the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. In a meeting she scolded my father of protecting Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and said that Song Renqiong’s daughter went to Wuhan to protect the Provincial Committee of Hubei. In early April 1968, my mother and I were escorted to Shenyang. Mom was locked up in the building for Northeast China, to be criticized and denounced for Father, and was not allowed to come home, and later was sent to cadre school to do physical labor. I was house arrested, and not allowed any outside contact.
1969年初冬的一个夜里，我在弟弟妹妹的帮助下，女扮男装从家里偷跑出来，到内蒙牧区投奔同学。我人还没到谣言就先到了，说宋要武杀人放火、强奸妇女、无恶不作，许多老乡都很害怕，不敢要我。因为我是逃到那儿的，落不了户口，就没有安置费，没有口粮，干活也没有工分。青年点的北京知青把他们的衣物、口粮匀给我，后来我也得到牧民们的帮助和保护，终于落下了户口。
At a night in early winter 1969, with the help of younger brother and sister, I made up a boy and fled home, to seek shelter with classmates at the grazing land in Inner Mongolia. Rumors arrived before me. It was said that Song Yaowu would kill people, set fire to houses, rape women, and do all the evil things. Many villagers feared of taking me. As I ran away to there and was not able to register residency, thus has no settlement fees, no ration, and no work points for working, either. The youth from Beijing gave me their clothes and ration. Later I also got the help and protection from the herdsmen, and finally registered residency.
1972年大学开始招工农兵学员。当时我父母被关押在辽宁盘锦的军队农场，因为父亲的问题和关于我的谣言，我这个女附中的高三毕业生，根本不敢奢望能上大学。出乎意料的是，我这样境遇的人，在知青、牧民老乡们和招生老师的帮助下，竟然成为“工农兵学员”！盟招生办的蒙古族金老师的话使我终生难忘：“在这种境况下你还能得到这么多人的信任与真心相助，你绝不该放弃理想与希望，要坚信：谣言只能是谣言，永远成不了事实。群众的眼睛是雪亮的，历史一定会还你一个清白！”一个素不相识的人敢对我讲出这样的话来，我的心灵受到了震撼，感动难以言表。从入学到毕业，长春地质学院的领导与师生们，用真诚的友爱支持着我，他们顶住了“四人帮”在东北的亲信（毛远新）不断施加的高压，保护了我这个东北最大走资派的女儿，他们的善良、正直和敢于担当，让我铭记终生，感恩终生。
Universities started to enroll worker-peasant-soldier students in 1972. At the time my parents were imprisoned in a military farm in Liaoning Province. Because of Father’s problem and rumors about me, I didn’t extravagantly hope to attend college, even though I was a student of senior high grade 3 at the High School for Girls. Unexpectedly, with the help of educated young people, herdsmen and the recruiters, I became a worker-peasant-soldier college student. Teachers Jin, the Inner Mongolian recruiter, told me: ‘Under such circumstances you still got so many people’s trust and sincere help. Don’t give up ideals and hopes. Rumors are only rumors, but never become reality. Eyes of the mass are sharp. The history will prove your innocence.’ A stranger could say such words to me. I was deeply moved. From entering school to graduation, the leaders, teachers and students supported me with sincere love and friendship. They went against the pressure from the accomplice of Gang of Four in Northeast China, protecting the daughter of the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. I will always remember their kindness, upright and courage.
文革中的经历让我只想远离喧嚣，认认真真地工作，清清白白地做人。我不经商不从政，不想出名不想升迁。我只和岩石、空气、数据打交道，对身边的人，我一律坦诚相待。但树欲静而风不止，无论我走到哪儿，谣言和谩骂都永远相伴。一方面我很迷茫、很苦恼，很无望，另一方面，我也感受到了周围人的理解与支持，是他们给了我温暖和生活的信心，使我能走过这四十多年的沟沟坎坎。
My experience in the cultural revolution makes me intend to leave the noise, to work hard and lead a quiet life. I didn’t do business, politics, and was not interested in fame and promotion. I only dealt with rocks, air and data, and honestly treated all people around me. But the tree may prefer calm but the wind keeps blowing. Wherever I went, rumors and abuses always followed. I was perplexed, distressed and hopeless on one hand, but on the other I felt the understanding and support from the people around me. They gave me warmth and confidence for life which led me walk through the tough life for more than 40 year
我到美国读书后也遇到了同样的困扰。刚一下飞机，华人办的《世界日报》等，就掀起了许多谣言。还有国内的访问学者向中国大使馆告我，说我到美国上学拿的是CIA的钱，大使馆曾上报中央，有关部门也对我进行过调查。那时为了挣学费，我除了在学校做助教（一周工作20个小时），还在犹太人家中做了四年多的帮佣，做饭打扫遛狗带孩子，什么都干过。中国大使馆曾去我就读的美国学校BC（Boston College，波士顿学院）调查，学校作证，说我做助教是校方出的奖学金。当时我的系主任非常生气，说向大使馆告我属于特务行为，他一定要我讲出是谁告的我，学校要开除这种人。我坚持不说，不想给别人找麻烦。我去MIT（麻省理工学院）上学后，跟周围访问学者的关系都很好。当地华人期刊或报纸刊登关于我的谣言时，他们都非常愤怒，有人还要写文章替我澄清。我不想再搅得沸沸扬扬，成为焦点，只想安静地做自己的事。
I encountered same type of trouble after coming to study in the U.S. Immediately stepping off the airplane, the Chinese-language newspaper, the World Journal, spread a lot of rumors on me. Some visiting scholars from China reported to Chinese embassy on me, saying that I was attending the American school with CIA’s funding. Chinese embassy reported the allegation to CCP’s central committee. CCP’s relevant department investigated me. At that time I worked on campus 20 hours per week as teaching assistant. In addition, I worked as maid for a Jewish family for 4 years, by doing everything, including cooking, cleaning, walking dogs and baby-sitting. Chinese embassy went to my school, Boston College, to investigate me. The school proved that my assistantship was from the school. My department chair was very angry, saying reporting to Chinese embassy was spying. He insisted that I told him who that person was, and the school would expel him/her. But I didn’t tell him, because I didn’t want to make trouble for other people. After moving to MIT, I kept good relationships with the visiting scholars from China. When the local newspapers or magazines published rumors on me, they became very angry. Some of them wanted to write articles to clarify. I didn’t like to attract attention, but only do my own things quietly.
在美国多年中，BBC等许多新闻机构的记者都曾想采访我，被我拒绝了。网上怎么骂我、侮辱我、评论我，我也都不理睬。2002年，我的一些美国朋友告诉我，在美国许多大学图书馆看到了一本美国出版的关于性学的研讨文集，这本书是西方许多大学的参考书。书中有一篇美国学者Emily Honing的文章，内容以女附中8月5日事件为例研究女性暴力。Honing从没到北京和师大女附中做过调查，她的主要依据是一篇女附中原高一3班学生写的文章。美国朋友们认为她对我的指控很能吸引西方人的眼球，以致西方学者读此文后都确信宋彬彬就是八五暴力事件的组织者。因此，不单是Honing，连为此书作序的一位世界著名的性学权威，也在序言中专门挑出Honing的文章，以我和我父亲为例来讨论问题。*
During many years in the U.S., reporters from BBC and other mass media intended to interview me. I refused all of them. I didn’t respond to the abuses, humiliation and comments on the Internet. In 2002, some American friends told me that they read a book of article collection in some university libraries. This was a reference book in many universities. An article about women violence in the book by Emily Honing was a research based on the August 5 incident at the High School for Girls. Honing had never been to Beijing and the High School for Girls for investigation. Her major source was from an article written by a student at class 3 of senior high grade 1. My American friends said her accusation against me could attract western readers, and many western scholars believed that Song Binbin was the organizer of the violent August 5 Incident at the High School for Girls. Thereafter, not only Honing, but also an authority on sex studies mentioned Honing’s article, in the preface for the book, to discuss the question by taking me and my father as examples.
*当时许多在美国的中国学者都很气愤，说以前你可以不说话，因为那些都是小道消息或是谣言，现在野史变成了正史，而且是在西方正式出版，西方大学都用它来当参考书，你要再不出来说话就不行了。原来我是拒绝接受一切采访的，但这次我觉得应该为自己做辩护。
At that time many Chinese scholars in the U.S. were very angry. They said to me that I didn’t speak out before, because all were rumors and information without normal sources. But now the unofficial history had become official. The book had been published in the West, and become a reference book in all Western universities. You had to speak out. I used to deny any interviews. But this time I thought I had to defend myself.
朋友们都认为Honing的文章和此书的序言是严重失实的，影响广泛而恶劣。许多人建议我以失职、诬告及名誉诽谤罪起诉作者、序作者和出版社，有人帮我联系好了律师。后经一位美国朋友居中沟通，使我了解到，Honing是错在没有去北京和女附中实地调查，偏信了别人的文章；而出版社和序作者又都相信了Honing和前面那篇文章，他们都承认犯了学者不该犯的错误。由于美国朋友的调停，我最终没有走法律程序，同意了由作者、序作者和出版社在一家著名学术刊物《亚洲研究通讯》（Asian Studies Newsletter）上向我公开道歉（译文和原文附后）。
All my friends thought Honing’s article and the book’s preface were very untrue. The influence was wide and vile. Many people proposed to sue the author, the preface author and the publisher for dereliction of duty, false accusation and reputation slander. Some one arranged a lawyer for me. Later from an American friend, I learned that Honing didn’t come to Beijing and the High School for Girls to conduct investigation, but mistakenly trusted another person’s article. And the publisher and preface author believed in Honing and that article. They all admitted that they had made mistakes that scholars shouldn’t have. Thanks to mediation of my American friends, eventually I didn’t take the case to court, but agreed that the author, preface author and publisher publish an apology in a well-known academic publication, the Asian Studies Newsletter. The letter is attached to the end of this article.
主持人：最后一个问题，我的朋友对你在卡玛电影里的表现不理解，既然你在多年里一直被妖魔化，为什么不利用那次机会为自己辩诬？
Last question. My friends don’t understand your behavior in Karma’s film. As you have been demonized for many years, why did you not defend yourself in the film?
宋彬彬：卡玛拍《八九点钟的太阳》之初曾想采访我，我拒绝了。后来，卡玛的片子已基本制作完成，又临时加进对我的采访，带到柏林电影节去剪辑的。在卡玛片子里，我没有露面，只大致做了一些声明以澄清谣言，之所以这样做是因为我有所顾虑：当时我儿子在美国上学，我在州环保部工作。“911”之后我所工作的小单位任务非常繁重，我们是一个人干两三个人的活，就连周末、节假日或是大暴风雪都要轮流工作，常常累得不行。卡玛的电影要在美国公共电视台播出，我若一露面，我们单位将会成为社会关注的焦点，那工作还怎么干？我不想在美国再次成为公众人物，再次陷入舆论的漩涡和媒体的注视中，不想伤害我的家人和孩子，也绝不想因我而扰乱单位及同事的正常工作和生活，所以我不能在卡玛片子里露面，这就是当时的考虑，没想到却引发了更大一轮的误解和攻击。
Song: At the beginning of shooting the ‘Sun in the Morning’, Karma intended to interview me. I refused. Later, when making of the movie was nearly complete, she added the interview to it, and took it to Berlin for editing. I didn’t appear in the movie, but only made voice statement, to deny some rumors. I had reason for doing this way. At the time my son was attending school in the U.S., and I was working at the environmental department of the state government. After 911, we had too much work at the office. One worker had assignment of two or three persons, and had to be on duty on weekends, holidays and snowstorms. I was very tired. Karma’s movie will be broadcasted in America’s public TV stations. If I had appeared in the movie, my company would become a social attraction, how could we work? I didn’t want to become a public figure in the U.S., so could not appear in Karma’s movie. This was my consideration at that time, but didn’t expect another bout of misunderstanding and attacks.
叶维丽：冯敬兰在访谈开场时讲到关于卞仲耘之死两个版本。我也想在这里简单讲讲为什么在王友琴已经写出了文章后，我仍然想做这个题目。我做这件事，实际上是我梳理自己和我们这代人成长过程的一个延伸。卞的死让我受到太深刺激，深到很多年后还做噩梦。既然是梳理成长史，就绕不过这个重大事件。我是学历史的，很想把这个事件放到当年的历史情境中去看。虽然王友琴已经写了文章，但我想，关于文革的研究，做的人不是太多，而是太少，多一些人来研究同一件事，可以加深我们对问题的理解。
Ye Weili: Feng Jinglan talked about the two versions of the death of Bian in the opening statement. I would like to talk about why after Wang Youqin had published an article, I still wanted do this topic. In fact, to do it is an extension of reorganizing my and our generation’s development. I was deeply saddened by the death of Bian, and still had nightmares many years after. Reorganizing my history cannot circumvent this important incident. I am a student of history, and like to put this incident to the historical environment of those years. Wang Youqin had published her article. But I thought that research on the cultural revolution was not too much, but too little. When an event was studied by more people, we would have better understanding of it.
在做调查的过程中，我直接感受到了文革在当今社会的被漠视和被遗忘。我曾到女附中校史室找卞校长的照片，校史办工作人员听说过卞校长是文革中被打致死的，但她又说：“是大学生来打的吧？”这位工作人员的父亲是当年的校医，姨母是8月5号被打的校领导之一，她的工作是管理校史，尚且无知到这种地步。这种情况令人震惊，也更加促使我一定要做这个题目。我想在反抗遗忘这一点上，我和王友琴应该有不少共同的想法。
In my investigation, I’ve seen that the cultural revolution is ignored and forgotten. When I was looking for Principal Bian’s photo at the office of school history of the High School for Girls, a worker had heard that Principal Bian was beaten to death in the cultural revolution, but said: ‘Did university students come here to do it?’ This worker’s father was the school doctor. Her aunt was one of the school leaders who were beaten up on August 5, 1966. She was so ignorant as a worker of school history. The situation was shocking, which drove me to do this topic. In the matter of resisting forgetfulness, Wang Youqin and I share same opinions.
最近，有人提出来追查卞案中“凶手”的问题。我想说，我们面临的问题远比揪出几个“凶手”更为复杂。这些年我一直在问，为什么一所优秀女校的学生会成为施暴者？是什么样的教育导致我们中的一些人做出那样伤天害理的事？我的小书《动荡的青春》在一定意义上试图回答这个问题。在调查了解卞校长之死的过程中，我发现这也是很多校友们共同的问题，我们都在追问。我觉得追问这些问题更有意义。
Recently some people proposed to investigate the killers of the incident. It is my opinion that our question is more complex than catching several killers. I have been thinking in these years that why students from an excellent school for girls could become violent beaters? What type of education caused some of us did such bloody atrocities? I tried to answer these questions in my book ‘The Turmoil of Youth’. In my investigation of the death of Principal Bian, I ‘ve found it a question being asked by many alumni. We are all seeking answers. So I find it quite significant to ask these questions.
2002年开始做调查后，我得到过很多人的帮助。冯敬兰帮我联系了我们班十来位同学，听她们讲述当年目击的情形。于羚也介绍我采访了一些高中的同学。 2002年夏天一个偶然的机会我碰到刘进。我“八五”那天不在校，没看见卞校长躺在垃圾车上惨不忍睹的形状，给我刺激最深的是刘进第二天在广播里讲的一句话，“死了就死了。”那天见到刘进，我问了心中存了很久的问题：你那天说没说过“死了就死了”？对我这个陌生人突如其来的提问，刘进回答，“说了”，毫无闪烁其辞。她同时告诉我这句话的来历。刘进坦诚的态度给我留下了很好的印象。此后刘进对我的调查一直非常支持，包括帮我联系访问宋彬彬。
I have been helped by many people since I started the investigation in 2002. Feng Jinglan helped me contact more than 10 classmates who told me what they saw about the incident. Yu Ling also introduced me to some students of senior high. In the summer 2002 I met Lin Jin by chance. I was not in school on August 5, 1966, so didn’t see the miserable status of Principal Bian in the garbage cart. What she said in the broadcast speech stimulated me the most: ‘dead is dead.’ When seeing Liu Jin that day, I asked her the question that had been in my mind for a long time, ‘Did you say ‘dead is dead’ that day?’ To this sudden question from a stranger, Liu Jin answered: ‘yes, I did’, with no attention to deny. Then she explained to me why she said it. She left me a good impression with her honest attitude. Later Liu Jin was very helpful to my investigation, including helping me contact and visit Song Binbin.
我也感谢卞校长丈夫王晶垚先生对我的信任和对我调查工作的帮助。作为卞校长的遗属，他在难以想象的危难条件下，为他的亲人、也为所有的文革受难者留下了血证。看着他在胡杰的影片中一件一件拿出卞校长当天的衣物时，我既感动，又敬佩。就凭这一条，老爷子做出了历史贡献。我愿意在这里感谢所有帮助我的人，大家都在拒绝遗忘，正视历史。
I am also grateful for Mr. Wang Jinggui, husband of Principal Bian’s help for my investigation. As Principal Bian’s relative, he kept the blood evidence for other relatives and the victims of the cultural revolution, under the extremely difficult circumstances. In Hu Jie’s film, he took out Bian’s clothes one piece of Principal’s after another. I was moved, and admired him. Mr. Wang made historical contribution. I like to thank all people who have helped me. We all refuse to forget, and look at the history.
主持人：八五事件已经成为一段历史，它不仅提供了一个文革暴力的典型，也在政治、历史、文化、教育、心理、性别等诸多方面的研究上提供了特殊的样本。不仅仅是卞校长的不幸让我们深思，那些加害于她的学生，从另一方面也展现了典型的意义。我想起一个参与殴打老师的同学，不少人记住了她的名字。她长得很漂亮，像电影《苦菜花》里的女英雄赵星梅。她后来是全校最出名的“反动学生”，我在1968年3月28日的日记里记着她的主要“反动言论”：二十年后看高低；中央文革正确与否几十年后才能证明；由种种理论推断，中国必然要出修正主义。*
The August 5 Incident has become history. It provides not only a typical case of violence in the cultural revolution, but a model for research on politics, history, culture, education, psychology and gender. No only Principal Bian’s misery makes us think deeply, but also those students torturing her, have also displayed typical significance. I remember a student beating up the teachers. Many people remember her name. She was a beautiful girl, looking like Zhao Xingmei, the heroine in the movie ‘The Bitter Flower’. Later she became the most famous ‘reactionary student’of the school. Her major ‘reactionary speech’ was recorded in my diary of March 28, 1968: ‘We must wait 20 year to see who will win and lose. Whether the CCP’s Central Group for Cultural Revolution is correct only can be proved dozens of years later. Deduced from various theories, revisionism will definitely appears in China.’
*我在4月2日的日记里再次写到她当天在阶梯教室被斗争的情形，她的胳膊被同学架起成“喷气式”，她愤怒地仰起挣得通红的脸大声分辩：“中央文革的大方向对不对，就是二十年后才能看！”后来我们陆续上山下乡了。几年后，听说她疯了。因文革而精神错乱的同学，还有前面提到的高三4班反工作组的李黎黎，后来她又患上红斑狼疮，在下乡到北大荒的第二年，因服药过量辞世，年仅22岁。初三4班同学闻佳，因“反革命罪”险遭枪决，文革结束虽然平反释放，但精神错乱而致终生不幸。今天想到她们，我仍会心痛。卞校长遇难的第三年——1968年我下乡北大荒后，陆续听到了母校在“清队”中不断有老师被迫自杀的消息，记得是四位，其中语文特级教师周学敏（女）创立过“周学敏教学法”，最年轻的胡秀正（女）老师才三十出头。这就是万劫不复的文革。
My diary on April 2 again described that she was criticized and denounced that day. Her arms were hold backward by students. She angrily lifted her head and spoke loud: ‘We have to wait another 20 years to see whether the central group of cultural revolution is correct.’Later we gradually went to countryside. A few years after, we heard she was insane. Aforementioned Li Lili from class 4 of senior high grade 3, who was opposed to the work team, also became insane due to the cultural revolution. Later she caught the lupus sebaceous, and died of drug overdose at the age of 22 after settling down in the countryside in northeastern China. Wen Jia, a student from class 4 of junior high grade 3, nearly received capital punishment. She was released after the cultural revolution, but was insane. I felt sad when I think of them. I settled down in the countryside in 1968, three years after Principal Bian died. From there, I heard that some teachers committed suicide. I remember there were 4 of them. Of them, Zhou Xuemin, a special class language teacher who created ‘Teaching Method of Zhou Xuemin’, and Hu Xiuzheng, only in her early 30s when she died. This is the evil cultural revolution.
今天，我们五个不同家庭背景、不同成长经历的校友走到一起，共同完成了一个久蓄于胸的宿愿——把真实的记忆留下来。我们深知，道德激情不等于历史真相，群体义愤不能代替理性思考。没有哪个人可以垄断历史的解释权，也没有哪个人可以完全、永久地真理在握。正是基于这一认识，我们谨怀殷切诚挚之心，期待着校友、知情者和方家学者的批评指正。
Today, we five alumni with different family background and life experience, come together to fulfill a long-delayed desire – to leave the true memories behind. We know that moral enthusiasm is not historical facts. Collective indignation must not replace rational pondering. Nobody can monopolize the explanation of history, nor hold the truth in hand forever. Exactly based on this knowledge, we are sincerely expecting criticism and correction from our alumna, informants and scholars.
《An Apology to Song Binbin》
-- Asian Studies Newsletter, Spring Issue, 2003. Volume 48, Number 2, P38 www.aasianst.org
“The contributors and editors of Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities (University of California Press, 2002) listed below would like to publicly apologize to Song Binbin and her family for including in the first printing of the book statements that presented Ms. Song as responsible for violent acts that occurred near the start of Cultural Revolution. Including these statements in the book was a serious error in judgment. Furthermore, new information has come to light, in the form of interviews conducted by the Long Bow Group for their documentary film “Morning Sun,” that directed contradicts the notion that Ms. Song was involved in acts of violence. The editors are very sorry for the offense given and distress caused to Ms. Song and her family. The University of California Press joins in apologizing for this situation. An errata sheet is being included in the remaining copies of the first printing of the book, and when it goes into a second printing, the offending passages on pages I and 259 will be stricken or changed. This statement has been issued by the editors listed below both to express their regret to Ms. Song and her family for any distress cause and also to ask anyone who purchased the book to please disregard the statements in question.”
Susan Brownell, Emily Honing，Thomas Laqueur, and Jeffrey Wasserstrom.
———————————————————————————————
Photo: Song Binbin, painting by Professor Xu Weixin.
About the death of Bian Zhongyun
By Feng Jinglang, Liu Jin, Song Binbin, Yu Ling, Ye Weili
l 冯敬兰 原北京师大女附中1966届/初三3班学生
Host/Writer: Feng Jinglan: Former student of the High School for Girls, junior high graduate of 1966. class 3
l 刘 进 原北京师大女附中1966届/高三3班学生，1966年6月3日至7月末工作组驻校期间任学生代表会主席
Liu Jin, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 3. Chair of Student Representative Meeting.
l 宋彬彬 原北京师大女附中1966届/高三3班学生，1966年6月3日至7月末工作组驻校期间为学生代表会副主席之一
Song Binbin, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 3. Vice chair of Student Representative Meeting.
l 于 羚 原北京师大女附中1966届/中五2班（五年制实验班）学生
Yu Ling, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 2.
l 叶维丽 原北京师大女附中1966届/初三3班学生
Ye Weili. Former student of the High School for Girls, junior high graduate of 1966, class 3
两年前，我去拜访一位著名科学家。谈话间，老人提起一件事：“我听说有个附中，文革初期红卫兵打死了女校长，那个头头后来上了天安门，受到毛的接见，他父亲后来还升了官。听说这个事情后我非常气愤。”我问：“您说的是不是师大女附中？”老人连说对对，就是这个学校。我说我正是这个学校的学生，据我了解，事情不是这么简单。随后，我讲了自己知道的一些情况。老人说：“你为什么不写出来？大家都不说，文革的历史会更混乱。”
Two years ago I visited a famous scientist. In our conversation, the old man said: ‘I heard about an attached high school. The woman principal was beaten to death by the red guards. Later the leader went to the stand of the Tian-An-Men Tower, and was received by Chairman Mao. Her father later was promoted. This story made me very angry.’I asked: ‘Are you referring to the High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University?’The old man said ‘yes, it was this school.’I told him that I was a student of it, and things were not that simple as I knew them, Then I told him something that I knew. Then the old man said: ‘Why don’t you write them down? If nobody says, the history of the cultural revolution will be more confusing.’ Probably it was this conversation with the old man that makes this interview possible.
师大女附中建校于1917年，曾为平津、华北地区的一所著名女中。1949年5月9日，国立北平师范大学附属女子中学与解放区来的华北育才中学（女生部）合并，同年6月28日接管私立文华女中，9月27日正名为“北京师范大学附属女子中学”。六十年来，该校因拥有优质的教育资源，成为社会上层家庭的女孩首选的中学之一。在历届学生中，党政军高级干部、高级统战人士、高级知识分子及社会名流的女儿占较大的比例。不过，普通家庭出身的学生也不在少数。我出身不好，幼年丧父（在运动中自杀），由寡母艰难带大，没有任何背景，完全是凭分数考进这所学校的。我们班45个学生，干部之女不及三分之一。
The High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University was established in 1917, and was once a well-known high school for girls in North China. On May 9, 1949, the High School for Girls attached to national Pei-ping Normal University combined with the section for girls of North China Yu-cai High School , took over the private Wen-hua School for Girls on June 28 of the same year, and was officially named High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University on September 27. During last 60 years, because of it excellent educational resources, this school was one of best choices for girls of higher-level families. In all years, girls of senior officials of party, government and army, senior members of united front, senior intellectuals and celebrities were the majority. However, students from ordinary family are not few, either. My family background is not good. My father committed suicide during political movement. My widowed mother brought me up in hardship. I had no good background, but was enrolled to this school by high scores. Of the 45 students in my class, children of officials were less than one third.
文革初期，红卫兵运动发起在海淀区的清华附中、北大附中，高潮时期具有代表性的是北京四、六、八中这样的男校。为什么波澜不惊的师大女附中反而成为四十年间文革话题的一个中心呢？因为当年学校发生了两个事件，一个是8月5日卞仲耘副校长在学生批斗中死于非命，一个是8月18日高三学生宋彬彬给毛泽东戴了红卫兵袖章，她又恰恰来自高干家庭（其父宋任穷，时任东北局第一书记）。这两个被认为具有标志性的事件，频频出现在文革研究者和公共知识分子言说之中。
At the beginning of the cultural revolution, the movement of red guards was started at the High School attached to Qinghua University and High School attached to Beijing University. At the peak, the representative schools were the schools for boys such as the No. 4 High School, No. 6 High School and No. 8 High School of Beijing. But why did the quiet High School for Girls become a hot topic during last 40 years? This is due to two events. The first one is on August 5, 1966, Vice Principal Bian Zhongyun died for beating up by the students. The other was on August 18, Song Binbin, a student of senior high grade 3, put a red guard armband on Mao Zedong. Song Binbin was from a family of senior cadre. Her father Song Renqiong was CCP’s first secretary for northeast China. These two remarkable events were frequently referred to by researchers and educated people in general.
卞校长遇难已经44年，当年亲历那个惨痛事件的在校生，年纪最小的也年近花甲，高年级学生已六十开外。我相信，经历过那一天的师生们，没有谁会忘记当时的狂热、混乱、恐怖、震惊和惨痛。卞校长的遗属王晶垚先生，多年来执着地坚守着控诉的权利，胡杰制作的电影《我虽死去》集中展示了王先生苦心收集的物证和资料，当我看到几个孩子跪在母亲遗体旁的照片时，禁不住泪流满面。
Principal Bian was killed 44 years ago. Of the students who had personal experience with that sad incident, the youngest are already near 60 years of age, and those who were at the section of senior high are already over 60. I believe none of the teachers and students who were on campus that day, would forget the craze, chaos, terror and sadness. Mr. Wang Jinggui, widower of Bian, for many years has insisted in the right of accusation. The movie ‘Even though I’ve died’produced by Hu Jie, intensively displays the evidence of materials collected by Mr. Wang. When seeing the children were kneeling down at the side of the mother’s remains, tears were flowing down to my face.
近年来，师大女附中毕业生就“八五事件”写的文章中，最有份量的是两篇同名的《卞仲耘之死》。作者之一是1968届高中生，高一3班学生王友琴（中国社会科学院文学博士，现为美国芝加哥大学中文高级讲师）。她在《文革受难者》（2004年出版）一书中，将《卞仲耘之死》置于首篇。该文以很长的篇幅描写了卞校长遇难的前前后后，文章强烈的批判色彩、明确的指控对象给人印象至深。我注意到，目前海内外研究文革的专家、学者主要采信的是此文提供的资料和观点。*
In recent years, of articles written by the High School graduates, two are most important, under the same title: the Death of Bian Zhong-yun. One is by Wang Youqin, a 1968 graduate of the High School for Girls. In 1966 she was class 3 of senior high grade 1, a Ph.D. in literature at the China Social Science Institute, now a senior lecturer in University of Chicago. In her ‘Victims of the Cultural Revolution’, published in 2004, the death of Bian Zhongyun was the first article. In the article, the killing of Principal Bian was described in detail. The article is very impressive because it is strongly critical and has explicit target of accusation. I’ve noticed that information and points of view of this article are widely adopted by researchers on the cultural revolution in and outside of China.
*另一篇同名文章的作者是1966届初中生、初三3班学生叶维丽（美国耶鲁大学历史学博士，现为美国马萨诸塞州州立大学终身教授）。她于2006年7月在美国发表了英文版的学术性文章《卞仲耘之死》，中文版未有机会在国内公开发表，仅在博客网站“二闲堂”上贴出。此文有100多个注释，中文没有译出。上述两个版本的《卞仲耘之死》，从各自披露的细节到最后结论，均有重大的不同和分歧。
Author of another article in the same title is Ye Weili, a graduate of the High School for Girls in 1966. She was then in class 3 of junior high grade 3, and is a Ph.D. of Yale University, and currently a tenured professor at University of Massachusetts. In 2006 she published a thesis ‘The death of Bian Zhongyun’in English in the U.S. The Chinese version of it has no chance to publish in China, but appear in the blog ‘room of two leisure on the Internet. This article has more than 100 endnotes which are not translate in the Chinese version. These two versions of The Death of Bian Zhongyun, are quite different from each other in details of description and conclusion. ’
叶维丽从2002年开始调查。几年来，她每年两次回北京进行调研，以期寻找更多的目击者与亲历者，包括当年工作组进校后的学生代表会主席刘进和多年来一直被有关舆论穷追猛打的宋彬彬。
Since 2002, Ye Weili returned to Beijing two times every year to conduct investigation, looking for more witnesses and those who had personal experience with the August 5 Incident, including Liu Jin who was the chair of the Congress of Students after the coming of the work team, and Song Binbin who has been the target of the media.
实际上，刘进也在2002年开始了她的调查，2007年退休后更是全力以赴。作为第一张大字报的发起人、工作组期间的学生代表会主席、“八五事件”后部分学生自发组织的文革“筹委会”的负责人，她独自或与宋彬彬（2003年回国）一道，走访了当年在校的老师、同学共110人，其中包括“八五事件”的暴力受害者、至今健在的校领导。她做了大量的笔录和笔记，并将一份详尽的回忆与调查，交给学校存档。
In fact, Liu Jin also started her own investigation in 2002, and has made all-out effort after her retirement in 2007. As the author of the first big-character poster, chair of student representatives during the work team, person in charge of self-organized ‘preparation committee’after the August 5 incident, she, independently or with Song Binbin (returning to China in 2003), visited 110 teachers and students who were at school in 1966, including the victims of the August 5 incident, school administrators who are still healthily alive. She took a great amount of notes, and submitted a detailed remembrance and investigation to school for archive.
于羚曾经帮助王晶垚先生整理过大量资料，可以说是间接的知情者。我于1996年发表散文《记忆的疮疤》，反思与追问“八五事件”，从2007年秋天开始介入调查工作。我们五个人从2008年1月24日第一次会面至今，已就同一话题多次聚谈，不断地理清脉络、提出质疑、矫正记忆、交换观点。
Yu Ling helped Mr. Wang Jingyao arrange a great amount of materials. She is an indirect informant. I published an article ‘The Scar of Memory’ in 1966, reflecting and inquiring the August 5 Incident, and joining the investigation from 2007. Since our first meeting on January 24, 2008, five of us have met many times, discussing the same topic. We have kept clarifying the outlines of the incident, raising questions, correcting memories, and exchanging points of view.
作为女附中的学生，卞校长之死是我们心中永远的痛。理清历史事件，让亲历者反思，让后人知晓，让历史铭记，是我们的责任。下面，围绕“八五事件”我对四位校友做的访谈中，将向社会披露我们多年来的调查结果，向学界坦陈我们对“八五事件”的初步思考。同时，宋彬彬、刘进也将首次公开讲述她们在文革中的经历。
As former students of the High School for Girls, the death of Principal Bian is the permanent pain in our heart. It is our responsibility to clarify the historical events to urge the witnesses to reflect, educate the later generations, to have the history be remembered. In the following, I will publish the results of our investigation of many years, concentrating on the August 5 Incident. My following interviews with four alumna are to present our initial reflection about the August 5 Incident. In the meantime, Song Binbin and Liu Jin will tell their experience during the cultural revolution for the first time.
2、工作组期间（运动的形式、学生反对工作组、批斗校领导、邓小平的指示、多数派犯了方向路线错误）
3、后工作组时期（毛泽东主义红卫兵成立、血统论横行、学生斗学生）
4、八五事件（卞校长遇难、向吴德汇报、成立文革筹委会）
1. The first big-character poster
2. The time of the work team (form of movement, student opposing work team, denouncing school leaders, Deng Xiaoping’s direction, Majority making mistakes of direction)
3. The time of after work team (establish of Maoist red guards, the bloodline theory on the rampage, students denouncing one another)
4. The August 5 Incident (the death of Principal Bian, Reporting to Wu De. Setting up Preparation committee of cultural revolution)
5. The red guards and August 18
1. The first big-character poster
主持人：女附中的文革是从1966年6月2日开始的，印象里是教室的小喇叭突然在课间响了，然后就是夏青在播送一个社论，我的感觉好像战争发生了，立即心跳加速头皮发紧。下课后，就在校园里看见了大字报。大字报前人头攒动，刘进，是你们写的大字报，打破了校园平静的空气。为什么你会成为第一个？
Host: The cultural revolution at the High School for Girls started on June 2, 1966. My impression is the loudspeaker in the classroom suddenly sounded, the broadcaster Mr. Xia Qing was reading an editorial. I was feeling an eruption of a war. My heartbeat was speeding up, and scalp stretching. After the class, I saw a big-character poster on campus. Many people are reading in front of it. Liu Jin, you wrote this big-character poster, which broke the quiet atmosphere of the campus. Why did you become the first person of the school?
刘进：也许和我个人的成长经历有关吧。三年困难时期，我父亲（刘仰峤，时任河南省委书记）在河南工作，那里是重灾区。正上初中的我，亲身感受了大饥荒，亲眼看见了什么是一穷二白，也开始懂得什么是责任。1964年春，我随父母调动（刘仰峤调任高等教育部副部长）转学到女附中，插班在高一年级。乍来到北京，又是上了一个女校，我觉得自己和学校的风气有点格格不入，别人觉得我像农村来的，很土气，而我觉得学校缺乏劳动教育，很多同学身在福中不知福，有明显的“骄娇二气”，尤其是一些干部之女，特殊化严重。高一时我曾写过评论干部子女“骄娇二气”的作文，高二、高三还在课堂上和老师辩论过，被老师批评为思想偏激。那时，我一方面反对干部子女特殊化，另一方面又有舍我其谁的自来红思想。我崇拜英雄，一心向往革命，要为人民服务，要做一颗党的螺丝钉，有一种渴望战斗的强烈要求，这些在我身上表现得非常突出。
Liu Jin: That might be relevant to my personal experience. During the period of three-year of the great hunger, my father Liu Yangqiao, then was working in Henan province, as CCP’s secretary of the Province. Henan was the major area of disaster. A junior high student, I experienced the great hunger, witnessed poverty and illiteracy, and started to understand what responsibility meant. In spring of 1964, my parents were transferred to Beijing. My father was appointed the vice minister of higher education. I moved to the High School for Girls, attending grade 1 of senior high. Just coming to Beijing, and attending a school for girls, I felt unfit to the school’s atmosphere. Other people felt I was from countryside, looking rather local. And I felt there was little education for physical labor. Many students didn’t realize they were leading a happy life, were to delicate and arrogant, in particular some children of officials were privileged. At grade 1 of senior high, I wrote comments on the arrogance of delicacy of officials’children. I also debated with the teachers in class at grades 2 and 3 of senior high, and was labeled too radical by the teachers. At that time I opposed the privileges of the cadres’children on one hand, but on the other, I had the thought of ‘I am the only one who can do it’. I worshipped heroes, desired for revolution, intended to serve the people, and to be a screw for the Party. I had a strong desire for fighting. These qualities of mine were presented prominently.
主持人：听说你对自己有一种清教徒式的严酷要求，每天早起要做一套哑铃操，在高教部家属大院跑三圈，冲冷水澡后，6点多到校，再带领同学长跑、做60个仰卧起坐、俯卧撑。每年11月入冬前从不穿袜子，下乡劳动同学们挑50斤，你却挑100斤等等，这都是直接针对“骄娇二气”的吧？
It was said you had a puritan and cruel life style. Every morning you did a set of dumbbell exercise, ran three laps around the compound, took a cold water shower, arrived at school at a little after 6 o’clock, took classmates for a long-distance running, and did 60 sit-ups and press-ups. You didn’t wear socks until November. When doing physical labor in the countryside, other students carried 50 jin, but you carried 100 jin. Did all these behaviors target the life style of arrogance and delicacy?
刘进：是这样，当时很多学生都以自觉锻炼、自找苦吃为荣，我也一直坚持这样做，并于1965年年底入党。我在党支部会上也给学校的教育提过意见。 1966年上半年，党报不断发表批判文章，号召大家积极参加文化革命，特别是毛主席关于“学制要缩短，教育要革命，资产阶级知识分子统治我们学校的现象再也不能继续下去了”的指示，更让我感到事态的严重性，一种不让“江山变色、国家变修”的责任感和紧迫感得到了强化。我们曾为没有赶上战争年代，不能像父辈那样投身革命、献身革命遗憾，后来又为学校不像北京四中、六中、八中（均为著名男校）那样开展“四清”运动而遗憾。当时，我们学生党支部多次在一起分析形势，觉得终于有机会革命了。1966年5月，宋硕（时任北京市委大学工作部副部长）有个报告，我们认为是压制革命的，和社论讲的精神不一样。党支部的老师说，我们应该按照党的安排去做，要服从党的组织纪律，所以尽管有意见，我们还是在党内提出和讨论。
Yes. At that time many students took pride in physical exercise and hardship. I was doing the same, and joined the Party at the end of 1965. I raised different opinions about the school’s education. During the first half of 1966, the Party’s newspapers kept publishing articles of criticism, appealing people to take an active part in the cultural revolution, in particular Chairman Mao’s direction on ‘school years must be shortened, education revolved, and the phenomenon of our schools being ruled by intellectuals of the bourgeoisie is not allowed to continue any more’, which made me feel the seriousness of the problems. I had a strong sense of responsibility and urgency of not allowing the country to change color and state to become revisionist. We had felt sorry for not being in the war years and throwing ourselves into and devoting ourselves to the revolution. Later we felt sorry for not taking part in the movement of ‘Four Cleanings’, as did in the 4th, 6th, 8th high schools (all for boys) of Beijing. At that time, we student Party branch got together many times to analyze the situation, and were feeling the opportunity was coming. In May 1966, Song Shuo, the then vice minister of university work of CCP Beijing Committee, wrote a report. We thought it was suppressing revolution, and didn’t follow the editorial’s spirit. The teachers of the Party branch told us that we had to do what the Party told us to, and follow the Party’s discipline for organization. Therefore, even though we had different opinions, we kept our discussion within the Party.
1966年6月1日，《人民日报》发表了《横扫一切牛鬼蛇神》的社论。6月2日早6点，我在锻炼时听到早间的新闻正在广播聂元梓的大字报，特别激动。
现在党中央发出号召，支持我们了，说明我们的意见是对的。
On June 1, 1966, People’s Daily published an editorial entitled Sweep Away Evil People of All Kinds At 6am on June 2, when hearing Nie Yuanzi’s big-character poster was broadcasted in the radio’s morning news, I felt very excited. Now the Party has called, and supported us. This meant our opinion was correct.
看来在党支部内提出的问题和意见，也可以用大字报来公开表达。结果我连广播都没听完，就跑去找住在同院的马德秀，她是高三（6）班的学生党员。我说：“现在党号召了，咱们的意见可以说出来了，你愿意写大字报吗？”她说愿意。我俩又跑到学校去找我的同班同学宋彬彬，她是住校生（1966年4月入的党），她也支持我写大字报。时间还早，很多学生都没有到校呢，我们就开始写大字报了。因为这些意见都烂熟于心，用不着打草稿，你一言我一语，我用毛笔直接写在报纸上，署名刘进、宋彬彬、马德秀，然后贴了出去。过了这么多年，大字报的题目和内容我已经记不清了，印象里是对学校不让我们参加革命有意见，对宋硕的报告有意见，说学校教育路线上有问题，但没有针对具体的对象。据一些同学回忆，大字报的题目是：“校领导把我们引向何处？”内容以问话为主，头一句话就是“外界革命形势轰轰烈烈，而学校却是死水一潭，学校一心想引导的是让我们进行高考复习……”胡志涛校长（女）在《生活教育论》一书的《“八五”祭》里提到过我们的大字报，她说“矛头指向还很模糊，有指向北京市委的，有指向北大彭佩云的。
It seemed that questions and opinions within the Party branch could be expressed in the big-character poster, too. Without finishing listening to the radio, I rushed to Ma Dexiu who was living in the same compound, and a Party member student in Class 6 of senior high grade 3. I said:’Now the Party is calling. We can speak our opinions out. Are you willing to write a bi-character poster?’. She said yes. Then we rushed to school to look for my classmate Song Binbin. She was a boarding student, joining the Party in April 1966. She also supported my big-character poster. It was still early. Many students had not come to school yet. We started to write the big-character poster. Because we knew the opinions by heart, so didn’t have to draft. Each spoke out her opinion, and I wrote directly with brush pen, The signatures were by Liu Jin, Song Binbin and Ma Dexiu. Then we posted it out. After so many years, I cannot remember the title and content of the big-character poster. In general, we didn’t feel happy that the school didn’t allow us to take part in the revolution. We didn’t like Song Shuo’s report, saying the school had problems with its educational policy. But we didn’t concrete people. Some students recalled that the big-character poster’s title was “Where is the school leadership taking us to?’. The poster was mainly in dialog. The first sentence was: The revolutionary situation outside is vigorous, but the campus is a quiet pond. The school leadership wants us to prepare for college entrance exam . . .’ Principal Hu Zhitao mentioned our poster in the article ‘In Memory of August 5’ of her book ‘On Life Education: The criticism was rather indistinct, some targeting CCP Beijing committee, some targeting Peng Peiyun of Beijing University.’
本来以为把意见提出来想办法解决就行了，没想到大字报贴出后，学校秩序大乱，同学都无心上课了，这和想象中的革命不一样。我们也慌了，不知道该怎么办。党支部担心影响扩大，当天就把我们三人隔离到阶梯教室，告诫我们这么做很危险，将要滑到右派学生的泥潭。他们苦口婆心地帮助我们认识问题的严重性，希望我们认清形势检讨错误。我们对此很不理解，广播里都肯定了大字报，说明这就是党的号召，为什么我们给学校贴大字报就成反党行为了？那天在阶梯教室内外始终围着很多老师和学生，可以说是群情激愤，既有指责也有同情。
Originally I thought it would work after we provided our opinion to find a solution, but never realized that after the poster was out, the order of the campus was totally broke. Students had no heart for class. This was different from the revolution that we had expected. We panicked, and didn’t know what to do. The Party branch was afraid of wide influence, and placed three of us in the ladder classroom, saying it was dangerous for use to do this, and we could become rightist students. The earnestly helped us to understand the seriousness of our problems, expecting we see the situation and correct mistakes. We didn’t understand. The broadcasting had confirmed big-character posters, indicating it was the Party’s call. Why was our behavior anti-Party when we posted a poster criticizing the school? That day many teachers and students gathered in and outside of the ladder classroom and very excited, some criticizing but other sympathizing us.
主持人：我记得你们受到了“围攻”，我有深刻印象。接着就是工作组进校，动作很快，应该和邓榕有关吧，学校出了这么大的事，她回家一说，立即会引起她父亲的关注。
Host: I remember you were besieged, and my impression on it is rather deep. Then the work team came in quickly. This might be relevant to Deng Rong. Such a big event took place at the school. She returned home talking about it, which would have attracted her father’s attention immediately.
刘进：我想是这样。6月3日晚饭后，胡启立（时任团中央候补书记）带领团中央干部张世栋、马娴华来到学校，被一个同学直接带到阶梯教室。他们当场宣布说我们的行动是革命的，表示了支持，让我们的心情特别激动。6月4日一早，工作组正式进校，张世栋是工作组组长，马娴华是副组长，胡启立是西城区中学运动的负责人。欢迎大会上，胡启立、张世栋、胡志涛校长都讲了话，胡校长还传达了前一天李雪峰关于改组北京市委的报告。6月6日，工作组主持成立了革命师生代表会，教师代表二人，数学老师李松文和生物老师陈大文，学生代表五人，我、宋彬彬、马德秀、耿丽兰、尹斐，前四人为高三学生，尹斐是高二学生。我是学生代表会主席，其它四人为副主席。当天宣布复课，恢复正常秩序。所谓复课，就是学生每天在教室里读报纸、学社论，上下课铃照常响。老师不教课了，组织起来也是学社论。工作组的指导思想是让运动有序进行，先揭发，再慢慢梳理，找出问题的重点。
Liu Jin: I believe that was what happened. After the dinner on June 3, Hu Qili (then a reserve candidate for secretary for Youth League) came to school with Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua, cadres of the central committee. A student took them to the ladder classroom. They immediately declared that ours are revolutionary action and they supported us, which made us feel very excited. The work team officially came to School on June 4. Zhang Shidong was the team leader, and Ma Xianhua was the deputy leader. Hu Qili was in charge of the high schools of the Western City District. At the welcome meeting, Hu Qili, Zhang Shidong, Principal Hu Zhitao all made speeches. Principal also conveyed Li Xuefeng’s report on reorganizing the leadership of Beijing. On June 6, the work team presided over the establishment of the congress of revolutionary teachers and students, composing of two teachers: math teacher Li Songwen and biology teacher Chen Dawen. And five student representatives: me, Song Binbin, Ma Dexiu, Geng Lilan, and Yin Pei. The first four were of grade 3 of senior high. Yin Pei was a student of grade 2 of senior high. I was the chair of the student representatives, the other four were vice chairs.
It was announced to resume classes that day. Normal order returned. The so-called resuming classes was that students read newspapers and editorials in classrooms, the bell for class begin and over rang as it was, but teachers stopped teaching. They were also organized to study the editorials. The work team’s guideline was to carry on the movement in order, first exposing, then sorting out, to find out the key problem.
由于时间久远，我也没有留下文字记录，对很多事情的具体时间和内容都记不清了。幸运的是，在近年的调查过程中，我得到了许多同学的帮助。特别是高二2班一位同学把她当时的一本笔记借给了我，笔记从1965年一直记到1966年工作组撤走，记的基本是学校的事情，包括校领导和工作组在全校的讲话，非常珍贵。后面我要讲到的很多具体情况，依据的均是这本笔记。
Due to the length of time, and I didn’t take any note, I don’t remember the time and content of many events. Fortunately, I was helped by many schoolmates in my investigation in recent years. In particular, a student in then class 2 of senior high grade 2 lent me her notebook which recorded events from 1965 to the withdrawal of the work team in 1966. The contents are basically about the school matters, including speeches by school leaders and the work team. This notebook is very valuable. Later I will talk about many events, all of which are from this notebook.
主持人：工作组进校后，建立了新秩序。各班的团支部、班委会被废除，班主任靠边站，取而代之的是班核心小组。不知道核心小组怎样来的，同学们私下议论，我也说了“应该选举、不能自封”之类的话，成为后来我在班里被孤立被斗争的罪行之一。工作组——师生代表会——班核心小组，成为学校新的三级组织。
Host: After the work team came to the school, new order was established. The Youth League branch and class committee of each class were abolished. The head teacher stepped aside. All were replaced by a core group. My classmates talked in private: ‘the core group must be elected, not self-appointed’. I said the same, which later became one of my crimes to be isolated and denounced in class. The new three levels of organization thus were: work team – congress of teachers and students – class core group.
刘进：这种按部就班学习讨论的情况没有维持多久，6月17日，高三4班李黎黎等13个人贴出了大字报，题目是 “工作组把我们引向何方？”认为工作组开展运动的方式和《人民日报》社论的精神不一样，阻碍了运动。面对学生“为什么还不召开揭批校领导大会”的质问，工作组组长张世栋老师在当天的广播中说，“现在转入重点批判的条件还不成熟……仍要进行广泛的、普遍的揭发”，同时他检讨了自己有“怕乱”思想，“还不够放手”，表示欢迎继续提意见。
The orderly study and discussion didn’t last long. On June 17, Li Lili of class 4 of senior high grade 3 and other 16 students posted a big-character poster, in the title of ‘Where are the work team taking us to?’, claiming that the work team’s manner to conduct the movement was different from the spirit of the People’s Daily’s Editorial, thus blocking the movement. In front of students’s question ‘why not convene the general meeting to denounce the school’s leadership?’, the team leader Teacher Zhang Shidong said in a broadcast speech: ‘The condition for switching to emphasis criticism is not mature. We must continue the wide disclosure.’ In the meantime, he did self-criticism on his own thought of ‘being afraid of upheavals’, didn’t do enough to ‘let things go’, saying different opinions were welcome.
大字报贴出后，引起了全校各班的辩论，当晚学生自发聚在大操场宿舍楼的高台前辩论，我班同学梁二同上台支持了13人，说工作组压制了革命师生的积极性，把学校运动搞得很冷清。工作组希望同学们不要再辩论了，辩论非但没有停止，又出现了学生斗学生。一是批判围攻反工作组的少数派学生，二是斗争所谓出身不好、有问题的学生。譬如高二2班6月18日贴出一张大字报，点名12个同学，分别给带上各种“帽子”，羞辱、体罚她们。*
The big-character poster caused debate in all classes. At the same night, students got together spontaneously and debated on the playground in front of dormitory building. My classmate Liang Ertong stepped on to the platform and supported the 13 students, saying the work team suppressed the enthusiasm of the revolutionary teachers and students. and made the movement very cold and inactive. The work team hoped the students stop debating. But not only the debate did not stop, but also students started attacking one another. First, the anti-work team students, the minor group, were besieged. Secondly, the students with so-called poor family background and problematic, were denounced. For example, on June 18, a big-character poster was posted by class 2 of senior high grade 2, mentioned names of 12 students, giving them different labels, humiliating and physically punishing them.
*6月20日全校开会，我代表学生代表会讲话，讲了三点意见（抄自高二2班那位同学的笔记）：“1、要按照党的政策办事，不能过早下结论。2、反对在学生当中开斗争会。3、坚决不打、不骂、不围、不哄，坚决贯彻党的政策。” 张世栋老师做了补充，向全校提出了“边学、边议、边揭、边批”的要求，说现在不适宜把重点集中在某一个校领导身上，还需要广泛的揭发、批判和集中材料。6月21日上午，工作组在全校大会上做了进校18天的小结，提出“从今天开始转入重点揭发批判”，并安排当日下午召开揭发卞仲耘的大会。
At the school meeting on June 20, I made speech on behalf of the congress of student representatives, making three suggestions (from the notebook of that student of class 2 of senior high grade 2): ‘1. to handle affairs according to the Party’s policy, not reaching conclusion too early; 2. Oppose accusation among students; 3. Firmly no beating, cursing, besieging and disturbing, firmly implementing the Party’s policy. Teacher Zhang Shidong made it up, requesting us to ‘study, discussion, expose and criticism’, and saying that it is not proper to focus on a particular school leader, and it is necessary to expose, criticize and collect materials. In the morning of June 21, the work team made a summary of its being on campus for 18 days, putting forward ‘switch it emphasis exposure and criticism from today on’, and decided to call a general meeting to expose Bian Zhongyun.
6月21日下午两点半，第一次揭批会在大操场召开。当时卞校长一个人站在台上，副校长胡志涛（女）、刘致平，教导处主任汪玉冰（女）、副主任梅树民四个人站在台下。高三4班反工作组的13个人被单独安置在学生队伍后面，有学生持木枪站在她们身后。6月22日揭批会继续开，两次大会都有针对校领导的暴力行为发生，卞校长挨打最多.
At 2:30 in the afternoon on June 21, the first general meeting of exposure and criticism was called on the playground. At that time Principal Bian stood on the platform alone. Vice principals Hu Zhitao (female), Liu Zhiping, Wang Yubing (female), the dean, and Mei Shumin, the deputy dean, stood beside the platform. The 13 students from class 4 of senior high grade 3 were arranged to stand behind other students, being watched by students holding wood rifles in hand. The exposure and criticism meeting continued on June 22. Violence targeting the school leaders took place in both meetings. Principal Bian suffered most.
叶维丽：在6月21日工作组主持召开的批斗会上，袁淑娥（女，大连工学院俄语教师，师大女附中英语教员丁某前妻）的表现引人注目。在这个会上卞校长被打得很厉害，这应该和袁淑娥的煽动有直接关系。卞仲耘后来给上级写信，详细地讲了当天挨打的情况。那时还有地方“伸冤”，信息的传递也是畅通的。8月初就不再是这个情况了。卞写的信邓小平看到了，在7月初接见工作组的时候还提到这封信。
Ye Weili: At the denouncement meeting on June 21, Yuan Shu’e’s behavior was very conspicuous. Yuan, female, a teacher of Russian at the College of Science and Technology of Dalian, and ex-wife of Mr. Ding who was a teacher of English at the High School for Girls. At the meeting, Principal Bian was beaten up severely, which should have been direct results of Yuan’s instigation. Later Bian wrote a letter to her superior, describing her being beaten up in detail. At that time one could appeal for justice somewhere, and information flowing was also unimpeded. But in early August the situation was totally different. Deng Xiaoping read Bian’s letter, and mentioned it when he received the work team in early July.
文化革命以前，卞主管党的工作，日常教学工作由胡志涛副校长主持，普通学生对卞不是很了解。袁淑娥起的作用就是把学生的注意力集中在卞身上，特别是集中到“生活作风”上，使大家在情绪上对她反感。
Before the cultural revolution, Bian was in charge of Party’s work, while Hu Zhitao was in charge of everyday’s activities of education. Ordinary students didn’t know Bian well. Yuan Shu’e’s intention was to attract students’s attention to Bian, particular her life style, to make people dislike her emotionally.
刘进：其实文革开始后不久，袁淑娥就经常来学校活动了。批斗会前她曾找过工作组要求参加大会，工作组不同意，可她还是带着儿子和母亲来冲了会场。她手里还拿着一张照片，粗看是卞校长和她前夫的一张合影，实际上是卞校长夫妇和袁淑娥夫妇四个人的合影，剪去两边的人，就成了卞、丁的合影。她拿这个当证据，说卞校长生活作风有问题，破坏了她的家庭，在台上哭诉，学生立即群情激愤，喊起了口号，场面一度失控。会场安排出身贫下中农家庭的学生拿着练体操的木枪押着校领导。袁一哭诉，这些学生就你一枪、我一枪把卞校长捅倒了，卞校长当时就发生了呕吐。袁的发言大概前后持续了一个多小时，其间一直有对校领导的过激行为。还有一位管过人事的老师发言也很有震撼力，之前她曾在校园贴过一张小字报，揭发卞校长是刘仁介绍入党的假党员。一个说卞有生活作风问题，一个说卞是假党员，好像两颗重磅炸弹，在学生中激起的愤怒可想而知。
Liu Jin: In fact, short time after the beginning of the cultural revolution, Yuan often came to campus and talked to people. Before the exposure and criticism meeting she talked to the work team, requesting to attend it. The work team refused. But she burst in with her son and mother. She had a photo in hand. It seemed one of Principal Bian and Yuan’s ex-husband. In fact it was one of four people, Bian and her husband, and Yuan and her husband. Yuan cut the two persons on both side. Only the two persons in the middle, Bian and Yuan’s husband, were left. She took the photo as evidence, saying Bian had affair out of marriage, destroyed her family. She was crying on the platform, which immediately incited the students. Slogans were being shouted. The situation was out of control for a while. Students from poor peasant families were arranged to watch Bian with wood rifles for gymnastic exercise. Once Yuan started to cry, these students pushed Bian down to the ground with the rifles. Principal Bian vomited on the spot. Yuan spoke more than one hour during which radical behavior against the school leader took place from time to time. Another teacher’s speech was rather shocking, too. She had been in charge of human resource. She had posted a small-character poster, saying Bian was a sham Party member recommended by Liu Ren. Yuan said Bian had an affair with her ex-husband, this teacher said Bian was a sham Party member. Like two heavy bombs, these two claims were inciting great angers among students.
面对突发的暴力行为，工作组进行了劝阻，指出“今后注意不用打她，因为揭发就可以打倒她”。高二2同学的笔记上，记着在会议快结束时，工作组宣布：“我们请示了上级，决定从现在起停她（卞仲耘）的职”。揭批会后，卞校长又回北京饭店开会，并向上级反映过有关情况。7月3日，她又分别给邓小平、李雪峰等领导写信，附文是关于袁淑娥破坏女附中文革的情况，希望上级派人调查、处理。袁淑娥此后一直在学生中间活动，包括学生去卞校长家贴大字报，都是她领的路，“八五”那天有人见到她也在场。
In front of the abrupt violence, the work team proceed to dissuade, pointing out ‘don’t beat her in the future, because exposure will knock her down.’ The notes by the student of senior high grade 2 says that the work team announced near the over of the meeting: ‘we have consulted our superiors, and decided to stop her work from now on.’After the meeting of exposure and criticism, Principal went to the Beijing Hotel again to attend meeting, and reported the events to higher authorities. On July 3, she wrote letters to Deng Xiaoping and Li Xuefeng, attaching a report about how Yuan Shu’e broke the cultural revolution of the High School, requesting the higher authorities send people to investigate and handle. Later Yuan always provoked students, including taking students to Bian’s house to post big-character poster. She was seen on site at the August 5 incident.
主持人：袁淑娥为什么这样恨卞校长，她们的关系很复杂吗？于羚，你曾帮助王晶垚先生整理过大量资料，也见过袁写的“万言书”，请给我们讲讲。
Why did Yuan Shu’e hate Principle Bian so much? Was their relationship complicated? Yu Ling, you helped Mr. Wang Jingyao to arrange a great amount of materials, and saw Yuan’s letter, too. Please tell us something about it.
于羚：袁淑娥是大连工学院的俄语老师，1959年与卞校长同住一所医院时相识。1963年女附中缺英语教师，袁的丈夫丁某当时在北京空军，也有转业到女附中的意愿，经卞校长介绍，学校领导讨论通过，丁某调入女附中教英语。这期间，袁、丁夫妇经常争吵，卞校长从中做过一些调解，袁、丁最终离了婚。袁多次向女附中领导提出要求，希望扣丁的工资补贴她的家用，卞校长认为应该按照法院判决书执行，没有答应她。于是，她开始向有关方面控告。1966年5月，她将上万言的揭发信，复写多份，给毛主席、团中央、北京师范大学党委等寄去。揭发信捏造事实、断章取义，把个人的所有怨恨都上纲上线到政治高度。
Yuan was a teacher of Russian at the Science and Technology College of Dalian. In 1959, she and Principal Bian made acquaintance when they stayed in the same hospital. Teachers of English were needed in the High School in 1963. Mr. Ding, Yuan’s husband, then with the air force in Beijing, had the desire to the High School. Recommended by Principal Bian, and discussed and approved by the school’s leadership, Ding was transferred to the High School teaching English. During this time, Yuan and Ding quarreled a lot. Principal Bian mediated somehow, but Yuan and Ding divorced eventually. Yuan asked the High School’s leadership many time, that Ding’s salary be deducted to help her family. Principal Bian thought the matter should be handled according the court decision, thus didn’t do as requested. She started to charge to relevant offices. In 1966, she sent a letter of thousands of words, to Chairman Mao, the central committee of the youth league, the Party committee of Beijing Normal University. In the letter, she fabricated facts, interpreted out of context, and lifted all her own personal hatred to the level of politics.
文革开始后，袁淑娥的控告信转到工作组手上。工作组原本对卞校长的态度比较温和，认为批斗卞的材料还不够充分。后来，在6月21日、22日的批斗会上，工作组的态度有了转变，没有阻止袁上台哭诉、煽动学生的行为。胡志涛校长对袁淑娥参加学校的批斗会十分不满，为此还质问过工作组。她曾表示，卞仲耘尽管有这样那样的问题，但生活作风上没有问题。
After the beginning of the cultural revolution, Yuan’s letter of accusation was forwarded to the work team. Originally the work team’s attitude to Principal Bian was relative mild, thinking the materials for criticizing Bian was not sufficient. Later, on the criticism and denouncement meetings on June 21 and 22, the work team’s attitude changed. It didn’t prevent Yuan from going up to the platform to cry and charge, to incite the students. Principal was very resentful for Yuan attending the meeting. She questioned the work team for that, saying that Bian might have various problems, but not in life style.
1979年，袁淑娥被西城分局以挟嫌报复罪逮捕，后西城区检查院认为袁借文化大革命捏造事实、诽谤他人，已构成诽谤罪，但已过追诉时效，决定不予起诉。王晶垚先生不服，多方奔走申诉，同时也获得很多支持，但始终没有结果。
In 1979, Yuan Shu’e was arrested by police in Beijing for revenge. Later the prosecutor thought that Yuan fabricated facts, slandered other people, has committed the crime of slander, but it had been too long ago, and decided not to prosecute. Mr. Wang Jinggui refused to accept the judgment, tried his utmost to appeal, and was supported by many people, but didn’t get any result.
主持人：当时，全社会都处于丧失理智的疯狂中，任何人想挟私报复他人，只要他有“资格”，譬如红五类出身或符合别的什么流行要素，他就能得逞。
At the time, the whole society was mad by losing rationality, any one intending to revenge for personal reason, as long as he was qualified, such as having good family background or other current factors, he would be able to accomplish it.
刘进：几年前我在胡杰的电影里看见了贴在卞家的大字报，语言粗暴恶毒，画的不堪入目。我找同学了解情况，证实是袁领着学生去卞家干的。
A few years ago I saw the big-character poster posted on Bian’s house in Hu Jie’s movie. The language was rude and malicious, the pictures were dirty. I talked to students to investigate what happened, it is proved that Yuan took the students to Bian’s house and did it.
两天斗争会后学校恢复常态，继续维持着原来的运动节奏，写大字报揭批。6月27日，以我班同学梁二同为首的18人贴出了第二张反工作组的大字报，题目是“把无产阶级大革命进行到底”，内容涉及虽多，却不再具有轰动效应。她们多数时间不到学校，经常聚在一起讨论形势，或去海淀区的中学活动。梁的父亲在空军任职，支持她们的行动，因而她们更加坚定，不怕被孤立，觉得很光荣。18人全部是高中学生，有我班四、五个同学。7月初，她们成立了女附中最早的学生组织“红旗”。清华附中卜大华记得，在7月19日军训前，女附中“红旗”去过他们学校多次。
The school returned to normal after two days’meeting of criticism, continuing the original pace of movement with exposure and criticism by big-character posters. On June 27, 18 students, headed by my classmate Liang Ertong, posted second anti-work team big-character poster, titled ‘Carry the proletarian revolution to the end’， but didn’t get much response. They didn’t come to school most of the time, but often got together discussing the situation, or went to other high schools in Haidian District. Liang’s father was working for air force, and supported their activities. So they became for determined, were not afraid of isolation, and felt very honored. All the 18 girls were senior high students. Four or five were my classmates. In early July, they set up the earliest student organization in the High School for Girls, ‘Red Flag’. Bu Dahua of the High School attached to Qinghua University remembered that before the military training on July 19, the ;Red Flag’from the High School for Girls went to his school many times.
6•27大字报贴出后，工作组分别找参与的同学谈心，如果是干部之女或者军队干部之女，就通过组织找家长，让家长做女儿的工作。6月底，两个高一学生上交了蒯大富给她们的信，信里分析了形势，反复说如果工作组是不革命的、拖后腿的，革命左派就可以夺他们的权，把他们赶走。
After the big-character poster was posted on June 27, the work team talked to the authors. If they were from cadre or military official’s family, the work team would locate their parents through organization, and asked them to work on their children. At the end of June, two students for senior high grade 1 turned in a letter from Kuai Dafu. The letter analyzed the situation, saying time and again that if the work team was not reactionary, but obstructed the movement, the leftist revolutionary should take its power away, and drive it out.
主持人：海淀区以清华附中、北大附中为代表，反校领导的学生，后来又反工作组，一路造反下去，并有“理论建树”，一论再论三论什么的，思路很清晰，方向很明确。你们反了校领导却成为工作组的依靠对象，而工作组对校领导的态度起初是暧昧的，后来是犹豫不决的。你们回归“主流”，成为反工作组同学的对立面及多数派的代表，这种异常是否与邓小平的支持有关？请你们谈谈去邓家汇报的情况。
Host: In the Haidian District, headed by the High School attached to Qinghua University and High School attached to Beijing University, the students opposing school leaders, and later continued to oppose the work team. They were rather theorized, and rationalized their behavior again and again, indicating their clear thinking and explicit direction. You opposed the school leadership but was relied by the work team whose attitude toward the school leadership was ambiguous at the first, then hesitant. You returned to the ‘main stream’, becoming the opposite of anti-work team students and representatives of the majority. Was this anomaly relevant to the Deng Xiaoping’s support? Please tell us about your reporting to Deng Xiaoping at his home.
刘进：7月5日上午，工作组胡启立、张世栋带我和宋彬彬去中南海向邓小平汇报学校的运动情况，是在邓小平家里，在场的只有邓和夫人卓琳，主要由张世栋汇报，胡启立补充。
Liu Jin: In the morning of July 5, Hu Qili and Zhang Shidong of the work team took me and Song Binbin to ZhongNanHai to report to Deng Xiaoping about the movement. We were in Deng Xiaoping’s home, at present were Deng and his wife Zhuo Lin. The main reporter was Zhang Shidong. Hu Qili complimented.
主持人：为什么要带你们两个学生而不是别人去邓家汇报？
Host: Why did they take you two but not other student to see Deng?
刘进：是邓点的名。由于工作关系，他和我们的父母很熟。那天邓一看见我，就对我说：“刘仰峤是个好同志。”6月初高教部部长蒋南翔停职后，由我父亲主持工作，一周后的6月15日，父亲也成为黑帮被停职了。因此，邓的这句话让我特别激动，胡启立、张世栋他们怎样开始汇报的，我都没有听进去。给我印象最深的是邓的两次插话，一次是张汇报6月21日揭批会袁淑娥冲会场的情况，邓小平问这是什么人，张说是外校的一个老师，没通知她，她自己来的，邓说这是个坏人。另一次是张汇报到17日、27日两次反工作组的情况时，邓说应该组织辩论。我和宋彬彬很不解，说同学们对这个已经不感兴趣了，反正那些同学也不常来学校，呆在学校的都是拥护工作组的学生。邓说辩论是有意义的，可以让大家懂得道理，受到教育，缺席辩论也可以。邓还讲了在学生中间是分左、中、右的，运动后期都要排队。
Liu Jin: Deng selected us. Due to work relations, Deng knew my parents well. That day the moment Deng saw me, he said: ‘Liu Yangqiao is a good comrade.’Jiang Nanxiang, the minister of higher education, was suspended in early June. My father was suspended a week later, on June 15. Therefore, I was very excited to hear Deng’s comment on my father, so didn’t hear how Hu Qili and Zhong Shidong started the report. I was most impressed by Deng’s two interruptions. The first time was when Zhang reported about Yuan Shu’e rushing into the meeting place at the exposure and criticism meeting. Deng asked what this person was. Zhang said it was a teacher from another school. She came to the meeting without being notified. Deng said it was a malefactor. The second time was when Zhang was talking about the opposing the work team on 17th an 27th. Deng said it was good to organize the debate. Song Binbin and I didn’t understand, saying students were not interested in to at all. Those opposing the work team didn’t rarely come to school. Those coming to school were all supporting the work team. Deng said that the debate made sense. It could educate people. Debate without attendance was allowed. Deng said there was leftist, middle, and rightist among the students, which must be aligned at the late stage of the movement.
最后，邓小平讲了三条，第一条是不允许在学生中成立党团以外的组织。那会儿海淀区中学已经有了红卫兵这种学生组织，处于地下状态。邓强调一定要由党、团组织来取代类似红卫兵这样的非法学生组织，要把学校里学习好、思想好，有威望和组织能力强的学生，吸引到团委或学生会里面，让他们（非法学生组织）没有领头人，没有市场，他们就闹不起来。第二条是要尽快恢复党组织的正常工作，要依靠学校的党组织，不能离开党组织。第三条讲的是女附中的教师情况，说老师是有真本事的，要尽快解放他们，让他们出来工作。还说到王明夏、张玉寿（均为该校特级数学教员）这些老师非常优秀。
At last, Deng Xiaoping gave three directions. The first one was that students are not allowed to set up organizations outside of the Party and Youth League. At that time, student organizations such as red guards had already appeared in the Haidian District, underground though. Deng emphasized that the illegal student organizations such as red guards had to be replaced by Party and Youth League organizations. It was necessary to attract students with good grades, thinking to Youth League or student association, to strip the leaders off the illegal student organizations. Those would not able to disturb without market. Secondly, it was necessary for Party organization to resume work, and rely on the school’s Party organization. The third topic was about the teachers of the High School. He said it was necessary to liberate teachers who had genuine knowledge, and let them work. He mentioned Wang Mingxia, Zhang Yushou, both being expert-class math teachers, were excellent teachers.
宋彬彬：邓小平还说了一条，对于学校的走资派批一两个就可以了，不要牵扯的面太广。他说要不然欠下的债太多，我们还不起。由于张世栋他们汇报了卞仲耘、胡志涛等有些什么问题，所以他就说一、两个为首的批一批就可以了，其它的就不要再批了。后来他又说到老师们都是好的，说哪里有那么多修正主义呀？若有那么多，我们十七年的人才是如何培养出来的？！毛主席的女儿不也是女附中培养的嘛！难道都是坏老师教的？
Song Binbin: Deng Xiaoping also said that we should only criticize one or two capitalist-roaders at school, but not too many. He said that otherwise we would own too much debt, and be not able to pay back. As Zhang Shidong reported to him about Bian Zhongyun and Hu Zhitao’s problems, he said that it was enough to criticize one or two people on the top, and not criticize the others. Later he said that teachers were all good. He said where so much revisionism came from? If there were so much, how could we have trained so many professional people during the 17 years? Chairman Mao’s daughter was trained in the High School for Girls. Was she trained by bad teachers?
原来听说文化大革命半年就要结束，听了邓的讲话觉得他想尽快结束。
It had been said that the cultural revolution would be over in half a year. Deng’s speech made one feel that he like it to be over as soon as possible.
叶维丽：实际上，师大女附中是邓小平的一个点，师大一附中是刘少奇的一个点，他们通过两所中学了解运动情况。刘邓领导文革的方式可以说是四清加反右，整干部用给干部分类的四清的办法，卞仲耘就给定成“四类干部”；整“反动学生”用反右的办法，那些“反工作组”的学生就面临可能成为“右派学生”的下场。
Ye Weili: In fact, the High School for Girls was an ovservation spot for Deng Xiaoping, and the First High School attached Beijing Normal University was a spot for Liu Shaoqi. They obtained information about the movement through these two schools. The manner of Liu and Deng directing the cultural revolution was ‘four cleanings’plus ‘anti-rightist’. Place cadres in different classes. Bian was placed in Class 4. Use anti-rightist method to reactionary students. Those students who opposed the work team might become rightist students.
刘进：7月5日下午，张世栋召开全校大会，动员和部署大辩论，主题是“运动要不要工作组的领导”，7月6日准备，7月7日、8日、9日三个半天开辩论会，可以“缺席辩论”。辩论对象主要是李黎黎、梁二同、王南芬等人。梁二同不到学校，没有参加辩论。
Liu Jin: In the afternoon of July 5, Zhang Shidong hosted a general meeting, mobilizing and arranging a debate, with the subject being ‘Whether the work team’s leadership is in need for the movement’. The preparation was on July 6. A half day of each July 7, 8 and 9 was for debate. Debate on absence was allowed. The targets of debate were Li Lili, Liang Ertong, Wang Nanfen and others. Liang Ertong didn’t come to school, thus was absent from the debate.
主持人：记得当时上升到了“反夺权”的高度。我原本在班里很不起眼，也没有反工作组，可是7月15日那天突然被揪出来揭发批判。我的主要问题是，想夺权（说了核心小组是自封的）、仇视干部子弟（背后议论说过坏话）、仇视党的阶级路线。运动积极分子还可“火线入团”。看样子都是工作组执行邓小平指示的具体行动。
Host: I remember the topic was lifted to the level of ‘opposing usurping power’. I was an insignificant person in the class, and was not opposed the work team, but was suddenly exposed and criticized on July 15. I was accused of intending to usurp the power as I had said the core group was self-appointed, and of hating cadres’s children as I talked about them behind their back, of hating the Party’s class line. Activists of the movement could ‘join the Youth League in battle’. All these were the work team’s actions to implement Deng’s directions.
刘进：连续三次辩论会后，学校开始部署下一个任务：老师集训和学生军训。把大多数学生集中起来赴邢台军训，把全体老师集中起来在“马神庙小学”集训，同时还把不符合军训条件的少数“有问题”的学生送到郊区劳动。然后就准备复课了。胡校长在《“八五”祭》中写了集训的情况：“7月20日左右，工作组把校领导和全体教职员弄到白堆子马神庙小学集中学习，不许回家。由学生代表主持会议，让每人准备‘洗澡、下楼’，实际是人人过关。”7月28日集训结束，7月29日集训人员返回学校。
Liu Jin: After the three successive meetings of debate, the school started to arrange next task: group training of teacher and military training of students. Most of the students were sent to Xingtai for military training. All the teachers were put together for training at the Mashenmiao Elementary School. In the meaning, a handful of problematic students who were not qualified for the military training were sent to suburb to do physical labor. Then it was ready re resume classes. Principal Hu wrote about the group training in the ‘In Memory of August 5 Incident’: The work team took all school leaders and teachers to Mashenmiao Elementary School in Baiduizi for training. Going home was not allowed. Meetings were hosted by student representatives. Everyone had to prepare to ‘take a shower and go downstairs.’, actually everyone had to get through an ordeal. The training was over on July 28. The trainees returned to school on July 29.
叶维丽：当时是“兵分三路”：少数骨干学生参与在马神庙对教师的集训，少数“有问题”的学生去郊区劳动，大部分学生去邢台军训。军训是突然结束的，为庆祝八一建军节开的联欢会临时改成了欢送会。军训期间受的是“正面教育”，班长关心学生，没有人因为出身问题受歧视。突然结束军训，说走就走，同学们都很惊讶，有的人还哭了。
Ye Weili: At that time students were divided into three groups. A small group of backbone students took part in the teacher training at Mashenmiao. A small of problematic students went to the suburb for physical labor. Most students went to Xingtao for military training. The training came to an end suddenly. The party to celebrate the Army’s Day on August 1 was changed to seeing-off party. We received ‘positive education’during the military training. Squad leader cared students. No one was discriminated against due to family background. The military was suddenly over. We had to leave immediately. Students were all surprised, and some were crying.
刘进：带队军训的工作组副组长王润芝老师也很惊讶，她说是7月31日突然通知回北京的，连她都不知道发生了什么事。学生代表会副主席尹斐也去军训了，在回北京的火车上，她想不出北京到底发生了什么事，心里惴惴不安。军训的大队伍8月1日回到北京，王润芝老师领着学生从火车站走回学校，一看校门口、校园里，到处乱七八糟贴着对联，王老师完全懵了，不知道怎么回事。
Liu Jin: Teacher Wang Runzhi, vice leader of the work team who took the students to training, was surprised, too. She didn’t know what happened in Beijing. Yin Pei, vice chair of student representatives, went for military training, too. In the train returning to Beijing, she was not able to figure out what really happened in Beijng, and was feeling rather uneasy. The army of military training returned to Beijing on August 1. Teacher Wang Runzhi led the students to walk from railway station back to school. Immediately we saw couples were posted everywhere. Teacher Wang completely shocked, not understanding what happened.
叶维丽：我们是从永定门火车站走回学校的，当年这么走路很平常。到了学校一看，我们离开还不到十天，整个校园面目皆非了。大字报主要是鼓吹对联的，“老子英雄儿好汉”，对联给人的冲击太大了。和工作组有关的大字报似乎并不多。从火车站一回到学校，就有人向我们宣布工作组撤消的消息，我记忆中有工作组王老师满脸错愕的表情。对联加上撤工作组的消息真把人给震懵了。
Ye Weili: We walked back to school from Yongdingmen Railway Station. In those years, it was normal to walk in this way. Upon arriving at school, the school was entirely different after we were away from it for 10 days. Most big-character posters supported the couplet ‘Like father, like son’. The couplet shocked people a lot. Posters concerning the work team seemed very few. Immediately arriving school from the railway station, we were told that the work team would leave. I remember the teacher Wang’s surprising facial expression. We were totally shocked by the couplet plus work team’s leaving.
主持人：我们“坏学生”下乡劳动比军训的大队人马回来得早。学校的气氛已经有些恐怖和惊悚了，这是我的感觉，因为心虚。当时宿舍楼大门口贴的对联（老子英雄儿好汉 / 老子反动儿混蛋 / 横批：历来如此）特别醒目，看一眼就心跳半天。大字报也是“自来红们站起来”之类，宿舍楼还贴了一长溜谭力夫的讲话，通篇是讲解那个对联，我一直以为对联是他发明的，后来看印红标的书，才知道最早出于北大附中红旗战斗小组。
Host: We ‘bad students’ who went to countryside to work returned to school earlier than those went for military training. There was atmosphere of terror at school. This was my feeling, as I was afraid. At the time, the couplet ‘Like father, like son, summary: always being so.’was posted on the door of the dormitory building, looking extremely striking. My heartbeat speeded up whenever looking at it. The big-character posters were the type of ‘born-red children stand up’. Tan Lifu’s speech explaining the couplet was posted on the dormitory building. I used to believe he was the original author of the couplet, but later realized that the earliest version was from the ‘Red Flag Group’ of the High School attached Beijing University, by Yin Changbiao.
叶维丽：从毛泽东的部署来看，对联的出现大概给他搅了局，我想他的本意是想将火力集中在上层刘邓等人的路线上。但对联在学生群体中，特别是中学生中产生的影响怎么估计也不过分。它不但动员了出身“红五类”（即革命干部、革命军人、革命烈士、工人和贫下中农）家庭的人，让他们觉得自己是当仁不让的革命后代，“天下者我们的天下”，导致了一些人在后来的肆无忌惮、为所欲为，并且严重地分化了学生群体，让大多数非“红五类”的人噤口，而出身“黑五类”（即地主、富农、反革命、坏分子、右派）家庭的同学更是人人自危。这样一种状况对理解“八五”当天不同“身份”学生的表现至为重要。
Ye Weili: In perspective of Mao Zedong’s arrangement, the appearance of the couplet might have disturbed his plan. I think his real intention was to focus attacks on the line of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. But the couplet’s impact on the student group, in particular the high school students, was too great to be underestimated. Not only it mobilized the students with family background of‘five red groups’ which are revolutionary cadre, revolutionary military man, revolutionary martyr, worker and poor peasant. The couplet made them feel that they were by birth later revolutionary generation. Everything under sky is ours, which led some people later to do whatever they wanted, seriously dividing the student group, which silence people of non-red five classes. On the other hand, the students from family backgrounds of‘five black groups’which were landowners, rich peasants, anti-revolutionaries, malefactors, ultra-rightists,
刘进：在军训同学回来之前，开了两个大会。7月29日在人大会堂召开撤工作组的大会，毛主席一出来，掌声雷动。刘邓说老革命遇见新问题就是那一次。究竟发生了什么？谁都弄不清楚。毛主席说工作组是消防队，压制群众起来革命，派工作组是方向路线的错误。7月30日下午，工作组召开校会，把7月29日的领导讲话录音放了一遍，随后就宣布工作组撤出师大女附中，让学生自己解放自己，自己起来革命。
Liu Jin: Two meetings were called before students returned from the military training. On July 29 the work team withdrawal meeting was called in the People’s Meeting Hall. Once Chairman Mao appeared, applauses were thundering. At that meeting Liu and Deng said that senior revolutionaries encountered new problems. Mao said that the work team is fire fighters, suppressing the mass to revolve. Sending work team was a mistake of direction. In the afternoon of July 30, the work team called a school meeting. Tape of the leaders’speeches were played, then work team’s withdrawal for the High School for Girls was announced. The students would be allowed the liberate themselves, and conduct revolution by themselves, too.
主持人：学校三级组织的最高一级——工作组因方向路线错误被撤消了，师生代表会因此也失去了继续存在的合法性。看来学校再次产生了“权力真空”，这是最危险的时期。
Host: The work team, the highest level leadership at school, was away due to the mistake of direction. The congress of teachers and students therefore lost the rationality of survival. The school again came to a time power vacuum. This is the most dangerous period of time.
主持人：从工作组撤走到“八五”之前这个礼拜，对联出现，让血统论登峰造极，成为最瞩目的事。学生分成了“红五类”和“黑五类”，处于两者之间的，也没什么光彩。还有什么事发生？
Host: During the week after the work team withdrawal to August 5, the appearance of the couplet made the theory of bloodline absolutely dominant. Students were divided into ‘red five groups’and black five groups’. The students in between were not feeling good, either. Did anything else take place?
刘进： 7月31日，学校贴出来一张成立“毛泽东主义红卫兵”的大字报，前身是“红旗”。因为她们坚决反对工作组，成为学生中的革命左派。
Lin Jin: On July 31, a big-character poster was posted announcing the establishment of Maoiest Red Guards. It had been ‘Red Flag’. They became the revolutionary leftists, as they firmly opposed the work team.
当时校园里除了对联还有批判工作组的大字报。工作组撤走才两三天，就有学生跑到团中央去揪斗工作组的张世栋、马娴华，把他们押回学校关了十几天，要求他们揭发问题。据王润芝老师回忆，8月5日当天，还有学生对张世栋和马娴华说：“不老实交待，卞仲耘就是你们的下场！”也有现场目击的同学证实，揪斗校领导的过程中，张世栋也被勒令旁观，说你不老实交待，也是这个下场。
At that time on campus beside the couplet there were also big-character posters against the work team. Some students went to the central committee of the Youth League two or three days after the work team left, and took Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua to school, and locked them up for more than 10 days, asking the to expose problems. According Teacher Wang Runzhi’s recall, on August 5, some students said to Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua: you’d better truly confess, or will follow Bian Zhongyun.’Some students witnessed that during the seizing and struggling meeting for the school leadership, Zhang Shidong was ordered to watch, and was told that if not honestly confessing, his end would be the same. :
主持人：我班也有同学证实，在“八五”现场张世栋、马娴华受到威吓。
“毛泽东主义红卫兵”的成立宣言，我亲眼看到，红纸黑字，很显眼，贴在大食堂旁边的板报栏上，题目就叫“毛泽东主义红卫兵成立宣言”，不仅纲领明确，还有几条组织原则，强调坚持党的“有成分论、但不唯成分，重在阶级表现”的路线，非红五类家庭出身只要表现好，也可以申请加入。在对联的气势压倒一切时，我对这个印象特别深，心里有瞬间一热的感觉。当时校园里比较冷清，大批去军训的同学还没回来。
Host: My classmates also proved that on the scene of August 5 incident, Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua were threatened. I witnessed that the establishment announcement of Maoist Red Guards, black letters on red paper, rather eye-catching, was posted on the bulletin board beside the dining hall. Its title was ‘the establishment announcement of Maoist red guards. Its guide principles were explicit, had several policies for organization, emphasizing the Party’s ‘looking at background, but not looking at it only, stressing the class presence.’. People of non-five-red-groups could apply as long as behaving well. At the time when the couplet ‘like father, like son’was so overwhelming, I was deeply impressed by this announcement, and had a warm feeling at heart. At the time the campus was unfrequented, as most students had not come back from the military training.
刘进：工作组撤走后，多数学生还是习惯性地每天来学校，看大字报、写大字报、抄大字报，主要内容是批判工作组的错误和辩论对联。各班在辩论对联的过程中，出身不好的同学已经失去了话语权。也有不少同学想来就来，不来就到别的学校去串联。
Liu Jin: After the withdrawal of the work team, most students habitually came to school, reading, writing and copying big-character posters whose main contents including criticizing the mistakes of the work team and debating the couplet. In the process of debating on the couplet in each class, students with poor family background had lost the right of speech. Some students only came when they wanted to, and went to other school to establish ties if they didn’t like coming to school.
主持人：失去话语权的不仅仅是出身不好的同学，而是除了“红五类”以外的大多数。班里的核心小组——最基层的权力单位并没散伙，因为她们都是红五类，对联让她们增强了自信心和凝聚力。别的班不了解，我班还保持一定的秩序，8月4号核心小组通知，第二天必须全体到校开班会。我以为又要斗争我呢，5号就躲在家里没去学校。午后两个出身“红五类”的同学到家里找我，问我为什么逃学？我假装头疼，后来跟着她们去了学校。那天上午我们班在“辩论”对联的班会上，不少同学因为家庭出身受到了羞辱。
Host: Losing right of speech were not only those students with poor family background, but also most who were non-red five groups. The core group in my class, the lowest-level of authorities, did not disband, because they were from families of five red groups, and the couplet strengthened self-confidence and cohesion. Not knowing the situation in other classes, I knew that order was still maintained in my class. The core group notified on August 4 that every one had to come the next for a class meeting. I thought they would criticize me again, so didn’t go to school on August 5. In the afternoon two classmates with good family background came to my house, asking why I played truant. I pretended a headache, but later followed them to school. In that morning, the couplet was debated in class. Many students were humiliated due to their poor family backgrounds.
叶维丽：冯敬兰关于核心小组的提醒很重要。她在这个问题上很敏感，因为作为“有问题”的学生，她直接感到它的权威。班核心小组不像校一级的师生代表会，不是工作组直接建立的。66年7月底工作组突然撤离后，班核心小组没有受影响，反倒因为“对联”而鼓了气；又因为校级师生代表会有些“吃瘪”，更在事实上加强了班核心小组的权威。当时许多班级以辩论对联为名斗出身不好的同学，恐怕都与核心小组有关。8月5号高一3班斗校领导的动议，不知核心小组起了什么作用？
Ye Weili: Feng Jinglan’s reminder about the core group is very important. She is quite sensitive on this issue, because as a ‘problematic’student, she felt its power directly. The core group of class was not like the congress of teachers and students at the school level, and was not set up by the work team. After the abrupt withdrawal of the work team in late July, the class core group was not affected. On the contrary, it was encouraged by the couplet. As the congress of teachers and students was losing power, the authorities of class core group was strengthened. At the time, that many classes criticized and denounced students of poor family background was initiated by the class core groups. Class 3 of senior high grade 1 proposed to criticize and denounce the school leadership. Did the class core group play any role in it?
刘进：因为我们不在班里，不了解各班的具体情况。我和宋彬彬每天还在学校，总被一些同学围着问下一步怎么办。到底怎么办？我也不知道。我想不通为什么满腔热情地投身革命，却犯下方向、路线的错误，很迷惘。犯了错误跌倒了，可以爬起来再干，但是方向在哪里？具体干什么？无所适从。学生代表会的人，当时的态度已不一样。
Liu Jin: Because not in class, we didn’t know the circumstance of each class. Song Binbin and I were at school every day, always being surrounded by some students asking what to do next. What to do next? I didn’t know. I didn’t understand why I threw myself into the revolution, but made mistakes of direction and line. I was feeling perplexed. After making mistakes and falling down, one could stand up and work again. But what was the direction? What things to do? I had no idea. The people of the congress of teachers and students had changed their attitudes at that time.
胡校长在《“八五”祭》里写到8月4日下午学生打老师的行为，当时我一点也没听说。她在文章中说，几个校领导正集中在办公室学习，突然闯进来七、八个学生，骂骂咧咧，“有的拿棍，有的拿皮带，狠狠地抽打我们……”晚上，她爱人（在教育部工作）看到她身上的伤痕说：“你们学校怎么这样乱？！”她说：“工作组走了，没有人管，有什么办法？！”“明天你暂时不去学校。”“我是校长，不去学校怎么行？”但是，胡校长直到去世也没有公开说出那七、八个学生的名字。卞校长回家后的情况也有一些文字记载。总之，她们都觉得生命已没有保障了。
In her ‘In memory of August 5, Principal Hu describes the students beating up teachers on August 4. I didn’t hear anything at that time. Principal wrote that when the school leaders were studying in the office, seven to eight students suddenly dashed in, foul-mouthing, ‘some were carrying sticks, some belts, ruthlessly whipped us.’In the evening, her husband, then working at the ministry of education, saw the bruises on her body, asked: ‘How come your school is in such a disorder?’Hu answered: ‘The work team is gone. No one is managing. What can be done?’’Please don’t go to school tomorrow.’’I am the principal. It is no good that I don’t go to school.’On the other hand, In her life time, Principal Hu never give the names of those seven or eight students. There is written account on the circumstances after Principal Bian went home that day. In general, they all felt that life was in danger.
主持人：这几天学校里发生的主要变化，一是“主义兵“成立，二是血统论造成学生中深刻的分裂，三是无政府状态下校领导面临的危险迫近。
Host: Several changes took place during those days on campus. The first one was the establishment of the Maoist Red Guards. The second change was the bloodline theory profoundly split the students. The third one was under anarchy the leadership was facing dangers.
