In the long-ago Cold War, America "tilted" toward
Pakistan in its continuous subcontinent feud with
India. Our countries have remained cordial ever
since. In the "war on terrorism" President Musharaff
was one of the most outspoken (if somewhat panicked)
in the world, certainly in the Islamic world, in
condemning the attacks. He pledged help to the
Bush administration, and has delivered some.
The old bromide that politics makes strange bed-
fellows applies here, of course. India is the world's
largest democracy; Pakistan has had far more coups
than free elections. India is a stable country;
Pakistan has gone through more leaders than
Lincoln went through generals. Finally of course,
Pakistan is Islamic and India is Hindu and our Clash
is with Islam.
Bedfellow Bush has snuggled up to bedfellow
Musharraf, to the detriment of both countries, and to
our side in the Clash. He has done all that he can to
protect Musharraf against surges of Islamist violence
and assassination attempts. On the bedfellows theory
that would seem to be a good thing, but it's not. The
Musharraf regime is about to fall, that will be one of
the results of the assassination of Benazir Bhutto
today, and in it's place will be...who knows in Pakistan,
but eventually, probably later rather than sooner, an
Islamist government. And this one will have the bomb.
That's a very bad thing. Pakistan developed and test-
launched its bomb under President Musharraf, and
with President Bush looking on, or looking the other
way.
The most vital threat that America faces in the Clash is
an Islamic bomb in the wrong hands. That is closer to
happening today than it was yesterday.
The bed-fellows approach has produced this result.
The U.S. never should have permitted Pakistan to
develop its atomic capability. This day was foreseeable.
In the Clash, instead of the bedfellows theory that
delays the inevitable, this page has proposed an
opposite theory, of encouraging the inevitable.
We have called it "constructive provocation" and,
applied in the context here, the U.S. would have, if
necessary, bombed the Pakistani nuclear facilities out
of existence. That would have brought down the
Musharraf regime. Constructive provocateurs would
say, better sooner than later, better by our action than
the improvised reaction that the bedfellows theory
produces, better that we fight the Clash at a time of
our choosing rather than the enemy's. Whatever one
thinks of theories, we should have prevented the
Pakistani nuclear capability by all means necessary.
Long before President Bush, America should have
gotten out of bed with Pakistan. Pakistan shares none
of America's values. The bedfellows approach shunts
that consideration aside--for defensible reasons--for
geopolitical expediency. But there's the rub. The
bedfellows theory is supposed to be temporary and,
given the "strange" relationships it produces, it is
critical that each relationship so produced be
constantly reevaluated.
It has been the long-standing view here* that Pakistan
has not been a net plus for America in the Clash.
Rather, we have consistently argued that Pakistan and
Saudi Arabia are our greatest enemies. Shortly after
9/11 The New York Times Magazine did a story on
President Musharraf's madrasahs, the Pakistani schools
that inculcate Pakistani children in Islamist hatred.
As does our other major "friend" in the Islamic world,
Saudi Arabia, the madrasahs were one way for President
Musharraf to buy off Islamist threats to him personally,
and to his regime. The result for America however is a
new generation in Pakistanis--and Saudis--who, when
they come of age, will act out their school lessons with
the violence and hate that they were taught.
Additionally, U.S. intelligence indicates that Osama
bin Laden is alive and well. In Pakistan. In that "lawless"
tribal area in the mountainous border region it shares
with Afghanistan. Reportedly, we had a bead on bin
Laden in that area of Pakistan at one point, but
Secretary Rumsfeld called off military action for fear
of destabilizing our "friend." Acting under a theory of
"constructive provocation," obviously the U.S. would
have gone in and gotten bin Laden.
President Musharraf's fiat does not extend over a large
geographic area of his country; he does not rule the
hearts and minds of a large segment of his people;
he hasn't been able to produce bin Laden; our
ability to capture bin Laden ourselves has been
thwarted by concern for our bedfellow; and he
is teaching his youngsters to make jihad on us.
Another old bromide comes to mind, with friends like this...
* Our Friends in Pakistan, May 29, 2002.