Part Two
Song Binbin sat through Feng Jinglang’s repetition of Qian Jia-ju’s allegations without interrupting to immediately deny. Nor when Feng finished did Song deny the allegations. When Song speaks she responds to Feng’s question about the origin of the name Song Yaowu—completely ignoring the charge that she had murdered eight people.
There is a rule of evidence in American law that allows a person’s silence to be used against him/her as evidence of guilt if a specific allegation of criminal wrong-doing is made directly to the person and the person does not deny it. Song’s failure here to deny Qian Jia-lu’s allegations is pretty close to falling within the ambit of that rule. In the end, always giving the benefit of the doubt to the accused as we must in American law, I do not think that this would qualify as an admission by silence (It does show that Song Binbin is not competent to defend herself).
I suggest that the exchange between Feng and Song is an illustration, albeit in microcosm, of the difficulty—unexpected and bewildering to a foreigner—that China
Halfway through “On Song Binbin” (margin note # 2) there’s another exchange between Feng and Song. Feng says, “The matter is clear.” What matter is clear? Feng continues: “The Hubei Provincial Committee was not able to work by itself, and intended to intimidate the local rebel students with students from Beijing
Okay, well I’m glad that matter is clear. Now what about the matter of murdering eight people? Whether Wuhan Wuhan
Halfway through the article the failure to address Qian’s allegations directly is worse for Song than the allegations were at the beginning because the allegations are avoided. And (common sense) we avoid accusations that we can’t explain.
Continuing on the passage marked by margin note # 2, Feng asks Song:
“From…August 19 [1966] to the end of the cultural revolution, did you take part in any other relevant activities, besides the trip to Wuhan
Song’s answer:
“No. That’s all my activities in the early Cultural Revolution.” (emphasis added)
Feng’s question unambiguously asked about the entire 1966-1976 period. Song’s answer was confined to the “early” period, vague but as used in the field probably 1966-1968 or 1969.
This is clear avoidance of the question. Whether Song has anything to avoid in the subsequent period, I do not know.
Note too the use of “activities” and “relevant activities” by both Feng and Song. What do they refer to? Murder? Violence generally? Participating in the Cultural Revolution in some way? Authoring pamphlets? Using the name Song Yaowu?
Song gives the answer:
“I would take this opportunity to make a statement: I’ve never taken part in or organized any violence or radical activities such as beating, searching house or denouncing students. Except for the trip to Wuhan, I’ve never taken part in any activities of conservative or rebel factions in other places.”
They are euphemisms. The various forms of the term “activities” are euphemisms for violence. Song gives examples of what she means by “radical activities: “beating, searching house or denouncing students.” “Beating” is violent, “searching houses” is what in more legally picky countries is called “burglary,” a violent crime, and “denouncing” people is a term of art for the period and refers to public verbal humiliation at the least. The “struggle sessions” were a denouncement of the targeted people on a stage in public with physical abuse like holding the targeted people in the “jet-plane” position, cutting their hair in a yin-yang pattern, splashing ink on the face, and putting dunce caps on their heads, all of those individually and in combination.
Thus what Song Binbin has said here is that she never engaged in violence “except for the trip to Wuhan
Part One
Earlier this year the administration of the school formerly known as the Beijing Normal (i.e. Teacher’s)
That was perhaps an improvident act by the administration of the school formerly known as the Beijing Normal Girls High School
It was perhaps an improvident act by the administration because it “pushed the buttons” of some of the prominent alumnae of the school, alumnae who have Pavlovian responses to having their buttons pushed which result in more improvident acts.
Immediately below, and the subject of, this post are three such improvident acts. The first is an article by Ye Weili, Prominent Alumnus with a Temper, who temperamentally begins her article by addressing the school administration:
“You published an article by Mr. Harris, about the death of Ms. Bian
Zhongyun…My name is mentioned…” [stimulus]
“I feel it necessary to respond to it.” [response]
The other two documents are transcripts or quasi-transcripts of roundtable discussions among Prominent Alumnae including Temper and The Martyr, Saint Binbin of Beijing
Song didn’t do it.
Whatever it is, she didn’t do it.
Are there mists that becloud this vista? There are.
卞校长之死，是文革初期的一起骇人听闻的暴力事件。该事件由于其发生的时间、地点，施暴者的性别、年龄，特别是施暴者与被害人的（师生）关系，在当年就震惊京城。多年过去了，文革中绝大多数暴力死亡事件逐渐淡出公众视野，但卞仲耘之死，却日益凸显出来。近年来不断有关于卞之死的电影和书籍、文章面世，最近又由校友们集资，在实验中学（原女附中）里为卞校长立了一座纪念铜像。为文革中死于非命的师长塑像，这应是开了先例。很多很多年以后，当文革成为遥远的历史，在众多文革受难者中，一个叫卞仲耘的名字大概会流传下来。她曾是北京一所最好女校的领导，在该校工作了17年。1966年8月5号，她遭受自己学生的毒打折磨，不治身亡。她是全北京和全中国第一个遇难的中学教育工作者。她之后，又倒下了一大批中学教职员工，使这个群体死于非命的人数在文革受难者中触目惊心，她的名字应该被历史记住。
关于这份名单，王女士是这样说的：王晶垚先生在卞去世后赶到医院，因为不认识在场的人，王先生请求“女附中权力当局”写下他们的名字，事后他保留了这份有七人名字的纸片。王女士说，“这七人中有六人是红卫兵，名单的第一个名字是宋彬彬，该校高三的学生，红卫兵负责人”。
Our Prominent Alumnae were reared under the totalitarian benevolence of Mao Zedong’s state where debate took place in a narrow channel bounded by the rocky cliffs of reverence for Mao Zedong on one bank and worshipful reverence for Mao Zedong on the other. Temper and The Martyr received their advanced degrees in the U.S. but manifestly skipped any Occidental tutelage in the forensic arts. Readers will find this becoming hallmark of Chinese critical inquiry evident in the documents below and as convenience this writer will cite to the passages.The result of this classical Chinese education and the unnecessary classes skipped in the U.S.
The first passage I call the reader’s attention to (# 1 in red in the margin of the documents) is that below which introduces the Prominent Alumnae’s discussion “On Song Binbin.”
“Host: Searching ‘Song Binbin’ on the Internet, one gets very different results. But all of them have one theme: Song killed 7 or 8 people.”
This is unhelpful.
Host (Feng Jinglang) continues:
“Qian Jia-ju says in his: ‘Song Binbin competed killing people with others. A Red Guard killed six. In order to win the competition, Song killed eight.’”
Show of hands here: All those now more inclined to believe in Song Binbin’s non-involvement in the murder of Bian Zhongyun after reading this passage, raise your hands…Song put your hand down.
Cont. “I believe all the 1600 students in the High School at that time would laugh at this statement no matter what opinion she had towards Song.”
And with that, Feng Jinglang introduces Song:
Cont. “So I would invite Song talk about herself, starting from the name Song Yaowu.”
Oh God. Nice introduction, huh? “Our next guest has been accused of mass murder. Song Binbin, tell us about the time you met your head of state.”
American prosecutors, could you introduce this evidence against a defendant?
American prosecutors: “Nooo.” (in unison).
What would you do if a defense witness testified to this?
American prosecutor #1: “Ask the judge to give the jury a curative instruction telling them to ignore the testimony.”(laughter from other prosecutors)
American prosecutor #2: “Kill the defense attorney.”
American prosecutor #3: “Kill the defense attorney and the defense witness.”
American prosecutor #4: “No need. The judge would kill them both.”
American defense attorneys, what would you do if one of your witnesses testified to this?
American defense attorney #1: “Kill the witness.”
American defense attorney #2: “Go into dentistry.”
American defense attorney #3: “Run to the bathroom.”
The reason that American criminal lawyers would react like this is that what Feng Jinglang says here is so prejudicial to Song Binbin as to make it inadmissible by the prosecution against her on the issue of her involvement if any in the murder of Bian Zhongyun. And if a defense witness testified to it inadvertently there would almost certainly be a mistrial. If a defense witness testified to it with the defense attorney’s knowledge, the defense attorney should go into another line of work like dentistry.
It is the passage above that led me to write on August 29, “Chinese do not argue well.” Was Feng Jinglang drunk? What was she thinking? How could anyone with any common sense say this thinking—as Feng clearly does--that it would be favorable to Song? Feng has just cited—by name—to another person who has accused Song of being a mass murderer. Feng thinks it sufficient refutation of the accusation of mass murder to speculate—“I believe”—that other people, Song’s classmates, would “laugh” at the very idea.
An allegation of mass murder is no laughing matter. These are specific allegations of specific crimes by a named individual. Feng says nothing about who Qian Jia-ju is or why Qian Jia-ju should be disbelieved out of hand, with a “laugh.” I understand these murders allegedly to have occurred when Song was a “sent down” student, in Hubei province and Inner Mongolia, that is not in Beijing Beijing could testify to what she did or didn’t do in Wuhan
If Song Binbin is ever charged with a crime, she should hire “local counsel,” she should not rely on her friends.
And she shouldn’t represent herself.
To be continued
Fuli said Part Three was "the speech by Deng Xiaoping;" I don't know what speech that is but since Deng was the head of state after the CR I figured I could get it elsewhere and not tax Fuli to translate it.
【卞案研究】
A good story may not be historical fact
My opinion on the death of Bian Zhong-yun
By Ye Weili
贵刊登载了一篇美国哈里斯先生关于原北京师大女附中卞仲耘老师之死的文章，文中点了我的名，我觉得应该有所回应。
You published an article by Mr. Harris about the death of Ms. Bian Zhong-yun, a former teacher of the High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University
卞校长之死，是文革初期的一起骇人听闻的暴力事件。该事件由于其发生的时间、地点，施暴者的性别、年龄，特别是施暴者与被害人的（师生）关系，在当年就震惊京城。多年过去了，文革中绝大多数暴力死亡事件逐渐淡出公众视野，但卞仲耘之死，却日益凸显出来。近年来不断有关于卞之死的电影和书籍、文章面世，最近又由校友们集资，在实验中学（原女附中）里为卞校长立了一座纪念铜像。为文革中死于非命的师长塑像，这应是开了先例。很多很多年以后，当文革成为遥远的历史，在众多文革受难者中，一个叫卞仲耘的名字大概会流传下来。她曾是北京一所最好女校的领导，在该校工作了17年。1966年8月5号，她遭受自己学生的毒打折磨，不治身亡。她是全北京和全中国第一个遇难的中学教育工作者。她之后，又倒下了一大批中学教职员工，使这个群体死于非命的人数在文革受难者中触目惊心，她的名字应该被历史记住。
The death of Principal Bian is a horrifying violent incident at the beginning of the cultural revolution. It shocked Beijing Experimental High School Beijing and China
（右图：卞仲耘铜像。实验中学东楼一层会议室。原北京师大女附中部分学生敬立。2009年11月18日）
(Picture on the right) Statue of Bian Zhong-yun. Conference room, 1st Floor, East Building , Experimental High School attached to Beijing Normal University
作为原女附中的学生，我感谢所有提醒我们不忘记卞校长之死的人，包括哈里斯先生。一个人不必学过“法律”，也不必是“检察官”，更不必为自己不是中国人却关心中国事而解释。文革是20世纪世界史上的一场大罪恶，但目前在中国却公然遭到抹煞和遗忘，天底下关注它的人越多越好。
As an alumnus of the High School for Girls, I thank all the people who remind us of the death of Principal Bian, including Mr. Harris. A person is not necessary a student of law, nor prosecutor. and he does not need to explain why he is not a Chinese but concerned with China’s affairs. The cultural revolution is a grand evil in 20th century, but has been blotted out and forgotten in China
这是我对哈里斯先生文章的基本态度。
This is my basis attitude toward Harris'article.
我曾经写过一篇题为《卞仲耘之死》的学术论文（白芳《卞仲耘之死》，见“二闲堂”网站：www.edubridge.com; 原文为英文，中译文不包括原文中大量注释）。在最近出版的中文书籍中，我也对我校“八五事件”进行了叙述（叶维丽《动荡的青春：红色大院的女儿们》，北京：新华出版社，2008，第三章）。写出来，就是希望大家评头品足，我非常欢迎批评。
I wrote a thesis in the title of The Death of Bian Zhongyun.(Bai Fang: The Death of Bian Zhongyun. See www.edubridge.com. The original is in English. The Chinese version doesn't include the numerous notes.) In a book in Chinese, I describe the 'Incident on August 5'(Ye Wei-li: Youth in Turmoil: the Daughters in the Red Compound. Beijing
哈里斯先生的文章没有对我的具体观点进行评论，也没有对具体事实提出非议，却质疑我在卞仲耘之死的问题上基本的是非立场。我愿明确地对哈里斯先生说，对这样的批评，我不能接受。我的文章和书籍都不难找到，请大家不妨自己去作评判。
Mr. Harris doesn't make any comment on my specific points, nor disagree to concrete facts, but questions my fundamental position of right and wrong. I like to tell Mr. Harris: I don’t not accept criticism of this type. It is not hard to locate my articles and books. Readers can make their own judgment.
《记忆》在推介哈里斯先生的文章时，将它称为对女附中八五事件的“调查”。但严格地说，哈里斯先生做的不能算是调查。他在北京逗留期间用了25个小时与7人谈话，这7人中，大多数人与女附中无关。如此草率匆忙，他的文章中有若干处事实上的硬伤就毫不奇怪了。
In its recommendation of Harris’ article, the Remembrance labels it an ‘investigation’ on the August 5 incident of the High School. But strictly speaking, Harris didn’t conduct investigation. During his stay in Beijing
从哈里斯文中，不难看出他对八五事件叙述的基本脉络：那一天，女附中“红卫兵”肇事，残忍批斗校领导，导致卞仲耘死亡。当时红卫兵的负责人是宋彬彬。13天后的八一八，宋登上天安门，给毛泽东戴上红卫兵袖章，毛对宋说，“要武嘛”，由是表明毛批准“红色恐怖”。哈里斯先生认为，卞仲耘之死一案也因此而获得了“历史意义”。
From Harris’ article, it is easy to see his description of the August 5 accident. On that day, the ‘red guards’ruthlessly punished the school leaders, and beat Bian to death. The person in charge of the red guards was Song Binbin. Thirteen days after, on August 18, she went up to the Tian-An-Men tower and put an armband of red guard on Mao Ze-dong. Mao told Song that ‘you must take up arms (yao wu ma)’, indicating that Mao approved ‘red terrorism’. Mr. Harris believes that the case of Bian’s death therefore attained an ‘historic significance’.
因为做关于卞校长之死的调查，我查阅了很多材料，对这个叙述脉络十分熟悉。哈里斯先生在文中几次提到的王友琴女士，就是照这个脉络讲述卞仲耘之死的。看起来，哈里斯先生受到王友琴女士很大影响。我和王女士都是当年女附中的学生，王上高一，我上初三，我们两人近年来都为卞校长之死写过文章。在关于八五事件的叙述上，我们在一些关键处有不同说法，在一定意义上，提供了有关该事件的两个版本。哈里斯先生对我的批评，也与这两个版本的不同有关。我想，与其回应对女附中文革所知实在有限的哈里斯先生，不如借《记忆》的版面，直接与王友琴女士对话。这里所引用的，全部来自《文革受难者》中的卞仲耘篇 （王友琴《文革受难者》，香港：开放杂志出版社，2004）。所以想公开地讨论问题，不仅因为卞仲耘之死是极具影响的文革案例，值得一丝不苟地对待；也因为从我和王友琴女士的分歧中，或许能反映出文革研究中一些带有普遍性的倾向。
I’ve read a lot of materials in order to investigate the death of Principal Bian, and know the description well. Harris mentioned Wang Youqin several times, and followed this line of description on Bian’s death. It looks that Harris was influenced a lot by Wang. Wang and I were both students of the High School for Girls. Wang was in grade 1 of senior high. I was in grade 3 of junior high. During recent years we both wrote articles on the death of Principal Bian. On some key issues we held different points of view, thus provided two versions of the incident. Harris’criticism on me is somehow relevant to the difference of these two versions description. Therefore, I would rather have a direct dialog with Wang Youqin on this Remembrance journal, than responding to Mr. Harris who didn’t know much about the cultural revolution of the High School for Girls. All quotes in this article are from the article about Bian Zhong-yun in by Wang Youqin published in Hong Kong in 2004. The open discussion is because not only that the death of Bian is a significant case in the cultural revolution and must be treated very carefully, but also the difference between me and Wang is a possible reflection of some universal tendencies in the research of the cultural revolution.
在向王女士请教之前，我想先说，我对王女士多年来担当“历史义工”、为文革中惨死的“小人物”们伸张正义的作法十分敬佩，这个意思我在以前的文章中已有表达。这里具体涉及的，仅与卞校长之死一案有关。
Before asking advice from Ms. Wang, I would extend admiration to her for working as a‘volunteer of history’, seeking justice for the victims of the cultural revolution. I said so before. And said so again in relation to the death of Principal Bian.
如果没记错，我和王友琴是见过面的，但没有真正交流过。今天，我就借此机会向老校友请教吧。说实话，有些问题在我心里已经存了很久。这里会涉及到当年事件的一些重要细节，希望大家能够耐心地读下去。有个英谚说，the devil is in the details，或许可以翻译成“真相在细节中”。作为一个历史工作者，我不相信历史能够被“还原”，但我相信，经过努力，包括对细节的认真挖掘，可以尽量接近历史真实。
If my memory serves right, Ms. Wang You-qing and I met, but didn't really communicate with each other. I would like to take this opportunity to seek advice from an alumnus. Some questions have long been in my mind for a long time. Some important details of the incident may be discussed in this article. I hope that readers can read it through patiently. An English proverb says: the devil in the details. As a historian, I don’t believe that history can be returned to its original state, but through efforts, including digging the details, the true history can be approximately approached.
我向王友琴女士请教五个问题：
一．8月5号时，女附中处在一个怎样的形势？是否存在一个名分明确、有职有权的“权力当局”？
王女士的说法是，7月底工作组被撤销后，“控制学校的是红卫兵组织以及工作组建立的‘革命师生代表会’”；又说，卞死后的当晚，“女附中的权力当局”接见了她的丈夫王晶垚。即是说，王认为工作组撤走后存在着一个立即接管学校的“权力当局”，这个权力当局由红卫兵组织和革命师生代表会共同组成。
I am asking Wang You-qin for advice on five questions:
1. What situation was the High School in on August 5, 1966? Whether or not there was an ‘administration’ with proper power?
In Ms. Wang’s opinion, after the work team left at the end of July, the School was under the control of an red guard organization and the congress of revolutionary teachers and students established by the work team. She said that on the night of Bian’s death, the School’s power authorities received her husband Wang JingYao. In other words, Wang thinks after the withdrawal of the work team, there was an ‘power authorities’ that took over the School immediately. The power authorities consisted of the red guard organization and the congress of revolutionary teachers and students.
根据我的调查和当年的记忆，7月底突然撤销工作组后的一段时间里，女附中陷入混乱、失序和相当无政府的状态，并不存在王女士所说的那样一个权力当局。这个问题是我和王友琴的一个重要分歧。
According to my investigation and recall, in the period after the work team suddenly left in late July, the School for fell into disorder, chaos and anarchy. There was no authorities as claimed by Ms. Wang. This is an important disagreement between me and Ms. Wang.
8月5号被打的五位校领导之一、副校长胡志涛在多年后的回忆文章中提到，8月4号下午她和卞仲耘在办公室已遭到一些学生毒打，为此她曾不顾自己“黑帮”身份，在4号晚上和5号上午分别去西城区委和北京市委向有关部门呼救，说明“生命不保”的危急形势，但无人理睬（胡志涛《八五祭》，收入胡志涛、丁丁着《生活教育论》，合肥：安徽教育出版社，1996）。4号晚上回家后，她丈夫看到她的伤痕，问道，怎么打得这么狠？胡回答说，工作组不在了，没人管了。“没人管了”是胡志涛眼中女附中在工作组突然撤离后的状况，而胡志涛在区委和市委的遭遇，说明当时区、市两级权威机构在领导文革的问题上的不作为、甚至瘫痪的状态。
Ms. Hu Zhi-tao, then vice principal, and one of the five school administrators beaten up on August 5, wrote an article of recollection many years later. She said that Bian and she were already beaten up by some students on August 4. Therefore, despite the status of ‘gangster’, she went to CCP’s offices in the West District and Beijing city for help on the evening of August 4 and morning of August 5 respectively, reporting the crisis of ‘life in dangers’. She got no response from either office. When getting home on the evening of August 4, her husband saw the injuries on her body, and asked her why she was beaten up so badly. Hu answered: the work team left, and no one managed the school. ‘No one managed the school’ is the school’s situation after the abrupt leaving of the work team. And Hu’s bitter experience with the district and city authorities of CCP, indicates the status of doing nothing or even paralysis.
但说女附中完全“没人管了”，似乎也不尽然。这里需要提及由工作组建立的“革命师生代表会”。卞死前在医院的抢救、死后向上级报告及第二天向全校公布消息，都是由代表会负责人员做的，可见事情到了一定的地步，还是得由代表会出面张罗维持。但工作组撤离后代表会的身份变得尴尬，也是一个基本事实，否则就没有必要在8月8号，由代表会学生成员中的基本骨干发起，成立了一个叫“筹委会”的机构。改名换姓就是为了脱离和工作组的关系，“重打鼓、另开张”，“名正言顺 ”地管理学校事务。
On the other hand, it seems not correct to say ‘no one managed the school’at all. It is necessary to mention the ‘congress of revolutionary teachers and students’ set up by the work team. Bian was rescued in the hospital before she died, reporting to higher authorities and announced the news to the school next day. The congress did all of this. When things happened, someone must have taken care of it. However, after the work team left, the identity of the congress became rather awkward. Therefore, on August 8, the backbone members of the congress started an organization of ‘Preparation Committee.’ The purpose was to break away from the work team, and manage the school with a right title.
因此，我的看法是，8月5号时的师生代表会，由于它的权力来源“工作组”轰然倒台，使它“名分”不清，“余威”犹存，更像一个“维持会”或“留守处”。据我了解，此时有一些学生（“反工作组”的学生）已不承认它的权威；代表会的个别原负责人，也认为自己因追随工作组而“犯了错误”，不再任事。同时，工作组的突然撤离和毛泽东对派工作组做法的严厉批评给代表会的主要成员带来极大困惑。8月5号当天她们在开会，议题是：工作组走了，文革怎么干？
Thereafter, it is my opinion that the congress of teachers and students, as its source of authorities, the work team, abruptly collapsed, its ‘status’ became unclear but the ‘power residue’ still existent, it was more like an office for preservation or staying behind office. By my investigation, at this time, some students who were against the work team, had already not approved the congress’s authorities. Some leaders of the congress thought they had made mistakes by following the work team, did not work on it. In the meantime, the major member of the congress were feeling greatly perplexed by the abrupt leaving of the work team and Mao Zedong’s severe criticism on the method of sending work team to schools. They had a meeting on August. The topic was: How will the cultural revolution be conducted after leaving of the work team?
其实，在历史的这一刻，不要说中学生们，就连“老革命”们，从北京市负责人李雪峰、吴德到中央的刘少奇、邓小平，都连呼不知怎么干了，从上到下一片混乱，胡志涛在西城区和北京市上访无门就是明证。不夸张地说，整个北京都乱了套。有人认为，此时的京城正在发生由毛泽东发动的“十级政治大地震”。在这种严重失序和复杂诡谲的形势下，说女附中仍然存在一个按部就班运作的“权力当局”，实在是无视风云突变的大局对一所中学可以产生的剧烈影响。何况这所学校集中了中共党政军高层干部子女，对时局的变化应该比一般学校更为敏感。
In fact, at this historical moment, not only the high school students, but also the ‘senior revolutionaries’, from Li Xue-feng and Wu De, both were in charge of Beijing, to Liu Shao-qi and Deng Xiao-ping of CCP’s central committee, were keeping saying not knowing how to proceed. The situation was in total chaos. The fact that Hu received nothing for her visits to CCP’s offices was the evidence. It is not exaggerating to say the whole Beijing Beijing
我在写作关于卞之死的学术论文时遇到的一个挑战，是如何向今天的读者解说当年那个非常的时刻。为此，我下了相当的功夫，有兴趣的读者可以去看我的文章。在这里，我只想简要地说，研究卞仲耘之死离不开对当时文革形势突变大局的把握。在我看来，这是理解该案的钥匙。
I encountered a challenge when writing the thesis on the death of Bian: how to explain to today's reader about that extraordinary moment? I made great efforts on this. Interested readers can read the thesis. In this article I only simply point out that research on Bian's death must keep the rapid change of the cultural revolution in mind. I think this is the key in understanding this case.
1966年7月下旬8月中上旬，毛泽东自南方返京后，亲临第一线，再次发动文革（我对这一时间段文革史的理解，受到王年一先生《大动乱的年代》的启发，该书1988年由河南人民出版社出版）。这轮发动的关键词是毛7月份给江青信上写的“天下大乱”。这时的女附中，由于工作组的突然撤离和“对联”（“老子英雄儿好汉，老子反动儿混蛋”）的横空出世，处在一种亢奋、困惑、恐惧的混乱氛围中（往往由于“出身”不同而感受不同）。来自“上面”的信息是，学生们应该“踢开工作组，自己闹革命”、“自己解放自己”。没有了工作组的约束，唯一的权威就是“最高指示”。“革命不是请客吃饭”成为当时最流行的语录和对“革命”最权威的诠释。要革命，就不能“温良恭俭让”，这是当时的信条。可以说，8月初的女附中达到了最高领袖所希望的“乱”，而“乱”和暴力如影随形，这是中共历次运动所证明了的。暴力有通过威慑打开局面的重要功能。在这一轮发动中，毛似乎有意借助暴力。（我在论文中对暴力的功能有探讨，不赘述。）卞的死恰恰发生在这个节骨眼上。无独有偶的是，8月5号当天，正在主持八届十一中全会的毛泽东撤销了此前刘少奇关于反对“乱斗”的指示。在女附中校园发生的正是失控下没有节制的乱斗。
After Mao Zedong returned to Beijing from the South during the late third of July to the first or second third of August, he came to the front and started the cultural revolution again (my understanding of this period is enlightened by Mr. Wang Nianyi’s book, , published by the Henan Publishing House in 1988.). The key word for Mao’s action was ‘great disorder under heaven’ in a letter he wrote to Jiang Qing in July. Due to the sudden withdrawal of the Work Team and appearance of the slogan, ‘Like father, like son’, the High School at this time was in an excited, perplexed, terrorist atmosphere (which was felt differently due to different family background). The message from ‘ above’ was that students had to kick the work team away, and conduct revolution by themselves. Liberate selves by selves. When the work team’s restriction was removed, the only authority was ‘the highest direction’. Revolution is not an invitation to dinner’ is the most popular quotation and most authoritative annotation to the word ‘revolution’. To conduct revolution, one must not be temperate and gentle. This was the creed for the time. In early August, the ‘chaos’, as expected by the highest leader, has dominated the High School for Girls. And chaos and violence are twin brothers. This has been proved by all the movements in CCP’s history. Violence plays the role of opening a new situation by force. In the bout of movement, Mao seemed to rely on violence intentionally. I discussed the role of violence in my thesis, and will not make redundancy here. Bian died exactly at this point of time. Not alone but in pair, on that day Mao was hosting a meeting in which Liu Shaoqi’s direction of ‘no arbitrary denouncement’ was abolished. What happened on the campus of the High School for Girls was exactly the uncontrolled, unrestricted arbitrarily denouncement.
所以用了这么长的篇幅来谈这个问题，是想说明，在对女附中当时是否存在通常意义上的“权力当局”上，我和王友琴有不同看法；而不同看法的背后，是对当时文革大背景的把握。我的主要观点是，毛泽东“大乱”的指导思路，直接导致女附中校园相当程度的失序和无政府，暴力在这个背景下发生。（关于工作组撤离后的师生代表会的地位和状况，以及代表会负责人在八五事件中的表现，我在署名“白芳”的论文中曾用了相当篇幅讨论，在本期的女附中五人座谈会中也有探讨，在此不赘述。）
The reason that I discussed this topic in such a detail is that I disagree with Wang You-qin on whether there were regular authorities in the High School. Behind the disagreement is the understanding of the general situation of the cultural revolution. My opinion is that Mao Ze-dong’s guideline of ‘massive disorder’ caused the chaos and anarchy on the campus of the High School for Girls to a substantial degree. Violence happened under such circumstances. As far as the status and condition of the congress, and the behavior of people in charge of the congress, I discussed at length in another article by the name of Bai Fang, so will not say more here.
二．女附中当时是否已出现红卫兵组织? 该组织是否应对八五事件负责？
2. Had any organization of red guards come into being at that time in the High School for Girls? If yes, whether or not that organization was responsible for the August 5 incident?
对这两个问题，王友琴女士在多处做了肯定的回答。
我调查的结果是，7月31号，女附中成立了一个叫“毛泽东主义红卫兵”（“主义兵”）的组织，主要由“反工作组”的高中学生组成。8月5号那天打人没有她们的事。“主义兵”始终是少数派，从未在学校掌过权。
Wang You-qin’s answer to these two questions are positive in many places of her writings.
My investigation indicates that on July 31, an organization in the name of ‘Maoist Red Guards’(ist guards) was established in the School, mainly consisting of senior high students against the work team. They did not beat up on August 5. They were a minor faction throughout, and never in power at the School.
女附中还有一个叫“红卫兵”的组织，参加的人数较众。这是一个一哄而起、较为松散的“组织”。没有证据证明这个组织在8月5号已经存在。这两个红卫兵是有明显区别的，作为当年女附中的学生，王女士不应将二者混淆。
There was another organization named ‘red guards’in the High School. It had more members. This was a suddenly appearing and loosely organized ‘group’. There was no evidence that this group was already in existence on August 5. These two red guard organization were clearly different. As a student of the High School at that time, Ms. Wang should not have mixed them up.
澄清是否存在“红卫兵”的问题，是为了在事实上力求准确，也是为了从一个重要的方面反映当时的氛围：个别班级的一些学生有资格、也有能力在全校发起斗争校领导，这只能是在一个极度混乱、相当无政府的非常时期才可能发生。不仅如此，自发的行动正是毛泽东倡导的，学生们起事的资格来自最高领袖对“自己解放自己”的鼓励。因为是“正当时令”的“革命行动”，无人敢质疑其合法性，顶多是像师生代表会的一些负责人那样，在事件进行的过程中做些无济于事的劝阻。
Clarifying the issue of whether there was‘red guards’in the School is to describe the facts more accurately and present the atmosphere at the time. Students from individual classes had qualification and ability to denounce the leaders. This can only happen in a period of extreme disorder and anarchy. And self-starting activities were exactly Mao recommended.
需要指出的是，在血统论无比猖獗的8月份，“革命”是要有资格的。发起斗争校领导的学生应以“红五类”干部子女为主，红卫兵在女附中出现后，她们很有可能是红卫兵，但八五那天她们不是以红卫兵身份发起斗争校领导的。
It’s necessary to point out that in August when the theory is overwhelmingly dominant, to conduct revolution needed qualification. It is very possible that the students who started to denounce the school leaders were children of CCP officials. And after the appearance of the red guards, it is also possible that these students became red guards. But on the day of August 5 when denouncing the school leaders, they didn’t do that as red guards.
三．王女士是否知道8月5号那天发起斗争校领导的始作俑者，就是女士同班高一3班的某些学生？
Did Ms. Wang know that the originators for denouncing the school leaders on August 5 exactly were her classmates?
高一3班在那天所起的关键性作用，是当年女附中很多人都知道的。我在调查中，访问了班主任艾老师和若干位原高一3班学生，她（他）们都非常坦率地说到这个基本事实。老实说，对那天斗人时，谁格外活跃，大家也都心中有数。事过多年后，艾老师仍然不理解，一个文革前“不起眼”的班级怎么会在文革后突然疯狂。
Many people of the High School of that time know the key role played on that by Class 3 of senior grade 1. In my investigation, I interviewed Teacher Ai, the head teacher, and several students of the class. They all frankly talked about this fact. To be honest, all people of the High School knew who were particularly active. But teacher Ai still was not able to figure out many years after: how come an ordinary class before the cultural revolution suddent became that crazy?
我的遗憾是，没能找到当年的“活跃分子”，直接和她们交谈，了解她们当时的心态和今天的想法。据说，多年来高一3班从未有过全班聚会，一些人的踪迹已难以找寻。
Unfortunately, I didn’t find those activists, talk to them in person, and find out their mental status of current opinion. It is said this class have never had gatherings. It is hard to locate some of them.
在提及八五事件发起人时，王女士仅用“高一年级的红卫兵”做为主语。很难想象，作为高一3班的一员，王女士不知道她同班同学的关键作用。在当时和后来，王女士都有其它班级的人所没有的优势，来了解批斗校领导的活动到底是如何策划发起的，谁是主要的组织者，以及她们事先是否知会师生代表会。今天，所有这些重要信息都已模糊不清（据原师生代表会的负责人说，她们事先并不知道。其实，她们即使知道，也只能支持学生自发的“革命行动”）。在这些关键问题上，王女士并没有给我们提供任何帮助。如果王女士明明清楚是本班同学发起的，但出于种种原因希望模糊淡化这一事实，我可以理解。我不理解的是，为什么王女士总在突出和强调宋彬彬的作用？这是我下一个问题。
In her discussion about the initiator of the August 5 accident, Ms. Wang only said that it was ‘red guards of senior high grade 1’. As a student of Class 3, senior grade 1, Ms. Wang didn’t know the key role played by her classmates. At that time and afterwards, Ms. Wang had opportunity better than others to investigate the activities of denouncing the school leaders was planned and started. Who were the organizer, and whether they knew the Congress of Teachers and Students. Today, all the important information has become blurred. According to the persons in charge of Congress, they didn’t know anything about the denouncement beforehand. In fact, even if they had known, they only could have supported the ‘revolutionary action’ initiated by the students. On these key questions, Ms. Wang didn’t give us any help. If Wang knew that her own classmates were the initiators, but attempted to water down the fact, I would understand. But I don’t understand why Wang always stresses the role played by Song Binbin. This is my next question.
四．为什么多年来王友琴女士一直将矛头指向既没有发起斗争校领导、也没有参与打人的宋彬彬？
有关宋彬彬的问题，因为涉及到我认为非常重要的文革研究中带有普遍性的倾向，我会在后面做比较详细的讨论，这里仅仅提出问题。
4. Why, for so many years, has Wang You-qin been concentrating on Song Bin-bin who did not start denouncing the school leadership, nor took part in the beating? The issue of Song Binbin is related to a universal tendency which I believe is very important to the research on the cultural revolution, I will discuss it in detail later. So here I am raising the question only.
五．王友琴女士在关于卞仲耘之死的调查中，提到一份包括宋彬彬在内的七人名单。学“法律”的哈里斯先生将此名单认定为宋彬彬等红卫兵应对卞之死负责的“证据”。由王友琴女士做顾问的胡杰影片《我虽死去》也给人以这份名单的重要性非同小可的印象，可见这份名单在王女士叙事版本中举足轻重的分量。请问王女士是否对该名单做过认真调查？是否知道这个名单是谁的笔迹？当时做什么用途？
In the investigation conducted by Ms. Wang You-qin on the death of Bian Zhong-yun, she mentioned a list of seven people including Song Bin-bin. Mr. Harris, a student of law, claims this name list as evidence that Song Bin-bin and other red guards were responsible for the death of Bian. The list was also in the movie ‘Even though I Died’ made by Hu Jie who was also an advisor to Wang you-qin, it also impresses people that it was significant. So, it is vitally important in Wang You-qin’s story.
（下图：七人名单）
关于这份名单，王女士是这样说的：王晶垚先生在卞去世后赶到医院，因为不认识在场的人，王先生请求“女附中权力当局”写下他们的名字，事后他保留了这份有七人名字的纸片。王女士说，“这七人中有六人是红卫兵，名单的第一个名字是宋彬彬，该校高三的学生，红卫兵负责人”。
About this list, Ms. Wang talked about this list as following. Mr. Wang Jing-yao rushed to the hospital after Bian passed away. As he didn't know anyone at present, Mr. Wang requested the 'authorities of the High School for Girls' to wrote down 'their names'. And later he saved this piece of paper bearing the seven names. Ms. Wang said: 'six of these seven people were red guards,', and the first name on the list is Song Bin-bin, a senior student of the s
据我了解，这份名单是李松文老师写的，他竖着写了七个人的名字。阅读竖排字的通常顺序是从右到左（而非王女士的从左到右）。名单中第一名是李老师本人，也是七人中唯一的教师，最后一名是宋彬彬。六个学生中，三名高二学生，三名高三学生。当时的情况是，8月5号傍晚7点多钟卞校长终于被送到邮电医院，师生代表会教师代表李松文老师和其它几位教师、师生代表会主席刘进、副主席宋彬彬和其它一些学生，都参与了送卞仲耘入院的过程。到了医院后，起初院方不愿救治，要求出示学校证明，因一时无法做到，而时间不等人，李松文老师签名作为担保，并征得学生同意，写下了在场他认识的六个人的姓名，共同承担责任，这样医院才进行了抢救。（多年后还有原女附中老师说，很佩服李松文当年的胆量。）当然，这时的抢救已经无效。关于这份名单，最近有原女附中学生做了详尽的调查。我希望这个调查能够和大家见面，这里仅作简要说明。
As far as I know, this name list was written by Teacher Li Song-wen. He wrote the seven names vertically. When reading this type of writing, one need do it from right to left, rather than from left to right as Ms. Wang did. The first name was Li himself, the only teacher of the seven. The last one was Song Bin-bin. Of the six students, three were of grade 2 of senior high, the other three were of grade 3 of senior high. The situation was that at about seven o’clock on the evening of August 5, Bian was finally sent to the You-dian Hospital. Teacher Li Song-wen and several other teachers, chair of the Congress Liu Jin, vice chair Song Bin-bin and several other students, were sending Bian to the hospital. Upon arrival, the hospital was not willing to take Bian at first, and requested an official document from the school. This was not possible in a short time, and no time could be wasted. Teacher Li signed his name as guarantee, obtaining the consent of six students, and wrote down their names whom he knew to share the responsibility. The hospital then started the rescue with this name list. Many years later, some teachers from the School of that time still expressed admiration of Teacher Li’s courage. Of course, the rescue already couldn’t work at this time. Recently, some the School’s alumna conducted thorough investigation on this name list. I hope it be published as soon as possible. And I just told a short story of it.
这份名单后来到了王晶垚先生手中。看起来，王先生对它的记忆有误差。事隔多年，有误差不奇怪。作为研究者，王女士应调查核实，起码该找找健在的李松文老师。
This list later fell into Mr. Wang Jingyao’s hand. It seems Mr. Wang’s memory is not exactly correct. This is normal as many years have passed. As a researcher, Mr. Wang should have conducted investigation, at least talked to Teach Li Songwen who was still alive.
上述五个方面涉及了女附中八五事件的一些核心问题。我和王友琴女士对该事件叙述的基本不同，或曰我们两个“版本”的基本区别，在这五个方面有清晰的反映。
The above five questions concern some central issues of the August 5 Incident. My description of this incident is different from Ms. Wang’s. Or the basic difference of my version and Wang’s, is mirrored in these five aspects.
现在，我想再回到第四个问题上，集中谈谈与宋彬彬有关的“事儿”。
坦白地说，我在写作关于卞仲耘之死的学术论文时，并不愿意涉及宋彬彬，原因在于，我没有找到任何宋在8月5号参与组织游斗卞仲耘或其它校领导的证据。如果说，我以前不想纠缠宋彬彬的问题，是认为这与严肃的学术讨论无关，现在我愿意认真地对待它。所以这样做，是因为王友琴女士不断将我们的注意力引向宋彬彬，也因为关于宋彬彬/“宋要武”与八五事件有关的说法，不自王女士始，而是流传了几十年，长盛不衰，这本身就是一个值得历史工作者注意的有趣现象。
Now I like to return to question #4, and focus on the matter of Song Binbin. Frankly, when writing the thesis on the death of Bian Zhong-yun, I didn’t want to involve Song Binbin. The reason was that I didn’t find any evidence that Song organized the denouncement of Bian on August 5. If I didn’t want to discuss Song Binbin because I didn’t think it was relevant to earnest academic discussion, but like to deal with it now in earnest. This is because that Wang always always directs our attention to Song. Also The opinion of Song Binbin/Song Yaowu being related to the August 5 Accident didn’t not start from Ms. Wang, but has been circulated for decades. This phenomenon itself deserves attention from the historians.
仔细阅读王友琴女士关于卞仲耘之死的调查，不难看出她时时将注意力锁定在宋彬彬身上，但关于宋与八五事件的关系却又语焉不详。王女士没有提供任何证据证明宋参与策划发起游斗校领导的行动，也没有任何证据证明宋具体参与了对包括卞仲耘在内的校领导的言语辱骂和人身伤害。但同时，宋彬彬又是王女士文中唯一被点名的人，她的名字反复出现在王女士的叙述中。她与八五事件到底是什么关系？在这最关键的问题上，读者似乎得顺着王女士的叙述逻辑，得出自己的推论：八五事件是红卫兵的行动→宋彬彬是红卫兵负责人→作为负责人，宋彬彬应该负责任。
Carefully Reading Wang’investigation on the death of Bian, it is not hard to see that Wang focused her attention on Song, but didn’t make it clear on the relevance between Song and the August 5 accident. Wang provides any evidence on neither Song taking part in planning the action of denouncing the school leaders, nor abusive language and beating behavior. But in the meantime, Song is the only name mentioned in Wang’s article, and this name frequently appears in Wang’s description of the accident. Then, what is the relationship between Wang and the accident? At this most crucial question, the reader can seemingly follow Wang’s deduction: The August 5 accident was an action by the red guards. Song was in charge of the red guards. Thereafter, Song was responsible for the accident.
不仅在八五事件上王友琴女士突出了莫须有的“红卫兵负责人”宋彬彬的作用，就是6月初文革开始以来女附中的一系列重大事件，如“第一张大字报”，师生代表会的成立，和向邓小平汇报，宋彬彬都是唯一有名有姓的学生，其它人都成了她后面的“等”。
Wang You-qin emphasized Song Bin-bin’s role as groundless labeling her as ‘person in charge’, and all other events since the beginning of June, such as the writing of ‘the first big-character poster’, the establishment of the congress of teachers and students, reporting to Deng Xiaop-ping. Song was the only name mentioned. No other names were.
文革开始以来，宋彬彬确实是主要的学生积极分子之一。但如果一定要在文革初期的女附中找出一个学生“头儿”，这个头儿应该是刘进，不是宋彬彬。“第一张大字报”是刘进发起写的，宋彬彬与另一个学生参与签名；在师生代表会里，主席是刘进，宋是四个副主席之一（而并非像王女士所说的，“主任”是工作组长，“宋彬彬等”为“副主任”）。没有任何证据说明在文革初期骨干学生群体里，宋彬彬比刘进更重要。不提刘进，只提宋彬彬，对于熟悉当年女附中情况的人来说，是有些奇怪的。
At the beginning of the cultural revolution, Song Binbin was indeed one of the major activists. But if we have to name a student as leader, this person should be Liu Jin, not Song Binbin. The author of the first big-character poster was Liu Jin. Song and another student were just signed their names. In the congress of teachers and students, the chair was Liu Jin. Song was one of four vice chairs. But not as Ms. Wang said that the ‘director’ was the leader of work team, and Song and some others were ‘vice directors’. There is no evidence that Song was more important than Liu at the beginning of the cultural revolution. For those who are familiar with the situation will feel somewhat strange if a discussion only mentions Song Binbin, but not Liu Jin.
但认真一想，又并不奇怪。是“宋要武”害了宋彬彬，是“八一八”改写了“八五”，也改写了文革初期以来的女附中历史。
But consider in earnest, it would not be strange. It was Song Yaowu who harmed Song Binbin, August 18 that rewrote the August 5 Accident, and also rewrote the history of the High School for Girls.
自从八一八宋彬彬上天安门给毛泽东戴红卫兵袖章，成了红卫兵的“脸”，宋彬彬就不再属于她自己，甚至连叫什么名字都无法做主了。（这里加一句：在得到上天安门的通知后，是刘进决定由宋彬彬带领四十名女附中学生上天安门，刘本人和多数学生留在广场。）因为毛泽东一句“要武嘛”，宋彬彬在全国人民心中变成了钦定的“宋要武”。八一八后局势的迅猛发展，使北京成为“红色恐怖”的无底深渊，“红卫兵”成了无法无天、草菅人命的代名词。还有什么比“要武”二字更能精炼地概括暴力横行天下的恐怖？而这个“宋要武”正好来自刚刚打死校长的学校，还有什么能比这更说明问题！“宋要武”顿时成了一个鲜明的符号，一个浓缩的象征，在很多人的心目中，它代表的是以干部子女为主体的“红卫兵”的蛮横、暴虐，对生命的极端漠视，和对法制的任意践踏。不要忽略宋彬彬是东北局书记宋任穷女儿的家庭背景，这一背景也是王女士刻意提醒读者的：一个来自打死校长的学校的高官的女儿。不经意中，19岁的宋彬彬背负了沉重的历史和政治的十字架。
After Song Bin-bin wore the armband of red guard on Mao Ze-dong’s arm on August 18, 1966, she became the symbol of red guards. She no longer belonged to herself, and was even not able to decide what name to take. It helps to add that after being notified of going to tian-an-men tower, it was Liu Jin made the decision that Song Bin-bin would take the 40 students to the stand, while she and most other students remained in the square). Because of Mao Ze-dong said: ‘yao wu (take up arms)’, for the people of whole country, Song Bin-bin became ‘yao wu’ appointed by the emperor. After August 18, the situation in Beijing changed rapidly, which made Beijing
“宋要武”迅速地成为了传说，在大江南北不胫而走。1966年10月我和我的同学们在南方串联，看到一份到处张贴的传单，上面说宋要武打死了多少人，印象中有六七个人之多。记得我们看后一笑置之，觉得编得太离谱。
但既然是“宋要武”，怎能与发生在她自己学校打死校长之事无染？她必得有染才是宋要武，她必得杀人如麻才是宋要武。于是就有了上面提到的1966年秋天的传单。
‘Song Yaowu’ was rapidly becoming a legend walking everywhere in the nation. In October 1966 when traveling with my classmates in Southern China, everywhere I read a pamphlet, saying how many people that Song had beaten up to death, I remember the number was six or seven. We all ignore it, feeling the story was too far from the truth. But she was ‘Song Yaowu’, she must have been part of beating the principal of her school to death. And she must have killed many people. This is why the appearance of above-mentioned pamphlet.
令人遗憾的是，事隔多年后，王友琴女士仍然没有脱离“宋要武传说”的窠臼，所以才在她的叙述中，出现了女附中在8月初即存在红卫兵、红卫兵打死了校长、宋要武是红卫兵负责人等一系列说法，也才有了宋彬彬在文革之初即为女附中造反学生第一人的指认。如此，才能圆“宋要武传说”，成全一个有头有尾、“顺理成章”的“故事”。也只有头尾连贯，才使得女附中八五事件在哈里斯先生眼里获得“历史意义”。宋彬彬成为赋予八五事件历史意义的关键人物，连接了8月5号的女附中校园和八一八的天安门大舞台，因此，就注定了她在八五那天不能因工作组的撤离而心感迷茫，不能在斗校领导事发后反应乏力、劝阻无效，不能最终出现在将卞仲耘送往医院的人群中，不能连夜和另外几个学生一起向上级汇报，而只能做打死校长的“红卫兵”的“负责人”。
Unfortunately, many years after, Wang youqin is still not able to jump out of the ‘legend of Song Yaowu’. Therefore, in her story, red guards were already in the High School in early August. The red guards beat the principal to death. Song Yaowu was in charge of the red guards. And so forth. So Song Binbin was the first rebellious student at the High School. Only this can make a complete ‘legend of Song Binbin’with a beginning and an end. So the August 5 Incident has historic significance in Harris’eyes. Song Binbin became the key person who gave historical significance to the August 5 Accident. She linked the campus of High School for Girls on August 5 with the Tian-an-men Square
美国有一位叫柯文的中国史学者，在他的题为《历史三调》的书里，谈到历史书写时，有这么一句话：What comes after cannot influence what came before （Paul Cohen, History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience, and Myth, NY: Columbia University, 1997, p.62/《历史三调：作为事件、经历和神话的义和团》，杜继东译，江苏人民出版社，2000），这句话的意思是，后面发生的事情不能倒过来影响已经发生了的事情。我在琢磨“宋要武传说”到底是怎么回事儿时，这句话给以我启迪。我们眼前看到的，是一个典型的“后面发生的事情”影响“已经发生了的事情”的例子。
Paul Cohen, American scholar on Chinese history, in his History in Three Keys, says: What comes after cannot influence what came before. This sentence means: what happens after an event cannot move in front of the event to affect it. This sentence gave me revelation when I was figuring out the ‘legend of Song Yaowu’. What we have seen is a typical case of ‘what happened after an event’affects the ‘event.’
其实，柯文说的这一历史书写中的倾向，古今中外都不罕见；在中国文革史的书写中，这个现象可以说比比皆是。不说别的，就说对林彪的研究，一个“九一三事件”，就抹煞了历史上的林彪和他的战功，明明会打仗也成了不会打仗。在中国二十世纪其它时期的历史研究中，这种例子也不乏见，使历史丧失了公信力。在这个意义上，女附中的例子不是孤立的个案，而有相当的代表性。
在《历史三调》中，柯文讨论了“神话”（myth）现象，认为这是人们和“过去”发生联系的一个重要方式，而且往往比严肃的历史书写更容易深入人心。我马上想到的一个例子，就是《三国演义》比《三国志》更为人们熟知。一提起曹操，就是《三国演义》里的大奸雄，而对历史人物曹操，既没有多少人了解，也没有多少人感兴趣。拿宋彬彬和曹操相比，极不恰当，但人们对“宋要武”的兴趣远远超过真实生活中的宋彬彬，却是实情。Myth（神话）所以能够流传久远，是因为它往往表达了人们心中受到压抑的诉求，甚至可以成为人们对现实批判的一种方式，因而有深厚的“群众基础”。有时myth甚至可以成为一些人坚守的“信仰”，触犯它会激起“众怒”
In fact, this tendency of writing history discussed by Cohen is not rare in both China China
我的感觉，经过多年“发酵”，“宋要武传说”已具备这个特点，质疑它会激起人们强烈的情绪反应。我署名“白芳”的文章在网上发表后，我对此已有领教。有意思的是，对“宋要武传说“不但在中国、在外国也有人“追捧”，哈里斯先生就是个例子；不但普通百姓，严肃的学者也无法“免俗”。就在最近，一位在国内颇受尊重的学者仍在一份很有影响的杂志上重复此说。柯文说，myth虽然偏离历史真实，但对了解人们的心理、精神和情绪有重要价值，具有心灵史上的意义。学者也是人，胸中也有块垒，有时也要借题发挥，而对某一说法是否有事实根据未必总那么在意。应该承认，“宋要武传说”是个“好故事”，对今天的中国颇有寓意。但好故事未必是好历史，事实上，好故事往往不是好历史。作为一个历史工作者，我别无选择，只能有一说一，有二说二。哈里斯先生说我是“宋彬彬和刘进的朋友”，我最初的反应是不值一驳，但又一想，觉得这背后的思维方式很成问题。对不同意见，不是就事实和观点进行辩论，而是对我和宋刘二人的关系进行主观臆测，这不够高明。至于要解释“宋要武传说”是如何形成的，为什么几十年来长盛不衰，值得认真写一篇论文，在这里无法展开。但说到底，与文革从未得到过彻底清算，与人们对中国现实的种种不满，应该有密切的关联。这就是为什么我对王友琴女士其实有“同情的理解”。
I feel that after many years of being fictionalized, the legend of Song Yaowu has already attained this feature. Questioning it would arouse strong emotional response. I’ve experienced it after my article in the pen name of Bai Fang published in the Internet. It is interesting to note that the Song Yaowu legend has fans not only in China China China
为了写这篇文章，我再次翻看了王女士的《文革受难者》，再次被女士挺身为文革中遇难的“小人物”代言而感动。我们虽然在关于女附中八五事件的叙述上有诸多分歧，但我们用自己的心血，提醒人们不忘人类历史上无比残暴血腥的一页的目标是一致的。我们两人均在海外，有很多国内没有的便利条件。目前，文革研究在国内几成禁区。在这种情况下，有条件做文革研究的人，就更有责任力求在事实上准确严谨，切记道德评判不能代替事实考证，政治正确不能代替事实准确，这样才能在历史上站住脚。我欣赏胡适的一句话：“有几分证据，说几分话；有七分证据，不说八分话”，愿与王友琴女士共勉。
In order to write this article, I browsed Wang youqin’s ‘Victims of the Cultural Revolution’ again, and was moved by her standing up to speak out for those who were persecuted to death during the cultural revolution. Though our descriptions of the August 5 Accident at the High School for Girls are different, we share the common goal of reminding people of an extremely bloody and cruel page of human history. We are both overseas, having many conveniences not available in China China
最后，我想对哈里斯先生说，你提出了一个很好的问题：谁之责？哈里斯先生不满意将一切责任都推给毛泽东，我也不满意。和哈里斯先生不同的是，我不认为卞仲耘之死的惨剧是个易于审理的法律问题。法律不是全能的，特别是应用于由最高领袖有意制造的“天下大乱”的非常时期。在一度出现“你一下、我一下”众人参与打人的混乱情形下，到底谁是“凶手”？在“革命不是请客吃饭”成为很多人最高信条的时代，如何判断个人还剩下多少“自由意志”和“是非标准”？这样说，绝不是否认个人应负的责任，而是说，事情不像哈里斯先生想的那样简单明了、黑白分明。但同时我也认为，即使在那样一个癫狂的时代，不管怎么有限，仍然存在一定的个人选择空间。我曾自问，如果当时我在场，会怎么做？我知道，我会吓坏了，我甚至会在心里谴责眼前的暴力，但我绝不会有胆量上前阻拦，我不具备那样的道德勇气，我所受的教育不足以使我那样去做。
Lastly, I like to tell Mr. Harris: you’ve raised a very good question: Who is responsible? Mr. Harris is not satisfied with that all responsibilities go to Mao Zedong. Me either. But different from Harris, I don’t think the tragedy of Bian Zhongyun is a legal issue that is easy to handle. Legal system is not omnipotent, particularly applying to events in a chaotic period of time created intentionally by a top ruler. Which one is the murderer when the beating was participated by many people in a chaotic situation? When ‘revolution is not a dinner for invited guests’has become the supreme creed for many people, how to judge that how much ‘free will’and ‘criteria for right and wrong’have left to individuals? This is not to deny personal responsibility, but to say that things are not so simple and clearly demarcated as between black and white, as Harris sees them. But I also believe that even in deranged times, room still exists for individual choice, not matter how limited it is. I used to ask myself: If I had been present at the beating up, what would I have done? ,I know I would be extremely frightened. I even could have condemned the violence in front of me, but I would never have had gall to stop it. I din’t have the moral courage. The education I received could not make me to do it.
我想，四十多年后的今天，我们要做的不是去“抓凶手”，而是每个人面对自己的良知。我们都已鬓发灰白，夜深人静时，我们是否曾扪心自问？就像当时选择怎么做是要经过每个人的大脑一样，今天的反省也只能是个人的。在调查了解卞校长之死的过程中，我发现我和我很多校友们共同的问题是：
为什么当年北京最出色的女校的学生，会做出如此伤天害理的事情？
我们都在追问。
I think that after more than 40 years, what we need to do today is not to ‘catch the murderer’, but confront our own conscience. Our hair is turning white. Late at the quiet night, do we ever search in our own heart? Our engagement in introspection can be individual only, just like we think about it each time we make decision on what to do. In my investigation on the death of Principal Bian, I’ve found that many alumna and I have same question: why the students from the best school for girls in those days, could have done such bloody atrocities? We are all looking for answers.
6. On Song Binbin
主持人：上网查找“宋彬彬”，内容虽然五花八门，但是指向基本一致，就是欠了七八条人命。千家驹《自撰年谱》称：“宋彬彬和人比赛，哪一个红卫兵打死了六个人，她为了胜过那个人，就打死了八个人”。我相信，当年在校的老三届1600多名学生，不论对她有什么看法，绝大多数人看了这一条都会发笑。所以，在这个访谈的最后，要请宋彬彬讲讲关于她自己的事。请先说说“宋要武”的来历。
1 Host: Searching ‘Song Binbin’ on the Internet, one gets very different results. But all of them have one theme: Song killed seven or eight people. Qian Jia-ju says in his : Song Binbin competed killing people with others. A red guard killed six. In order to win the competition, Song killed eight’. I believe all the 1600 students in the High School at that time would laugh at this statement, no matter what opinion she had towards Song. So I would invite Song talk about herself, starting from the name of Song Yaowu’.
宋彬彬： 我班同学记得，8·18下午回到学校后很多人过来跟我握手，还有人开玩笑：“彬彬，你以后就改名叫要武吧！”我说那是毛主席说的，我不配。
当天下午，《光明日报》一位男记者到学校来采访我，他问毛接见我的情况，我就把那两句话讲了，再多也没有了。他让我写下来，我不写，说就这么两句话有什么好写的。后来我还和几个同学说起记者约稿的事，她们也说就这两句话有啥可写的？不写。
Song: My classmates may remember that after we returned to school on August 18, many people came to shake hands with me. Some said to me: ‘Binbin, you’d better change your name to “yaowu”’. I said that was what Chairman Mao said, but I didn’t deserve it. That afternoon, a man journalist from the Guangming Daily came to school and interviewed me. He asked me the situation when seeing Chairman Mao. I told him about the dialogue of the two sentences. He asked me to write it down. I didn’t write, saying that it was not necessary to write just two sentences. I denied. Later I talked to some schoolmates about the journalist’s request. They all agreed to not writing.
可是没想到，8月20日《光明日报》发表了一篇文章，题目是“我给毛主席戴上红袖章”，署名宋要武括号宋彬彬。当时我看到那篇文章非常生气，对班里同学说，别说宋要武，现在连宋彬彬这个名字我也不想要了。毛主席和我的简单对话，我班同学没有人认为那是毛要我改名，40多年来同学们没有一个人喊过我宋要武。
However, I never expected that on August 20, the Guangming Daily published an article in the title of “I put red armband to Chairman Mao’. The author was Song Yaowu (Song Binbin). I was very angry when reading this article, and told classmates that I wanted to take neither Song Yaowu nor Song Binbin. My classmates didn’t think that Mao requested me to change name in that simple dialogue. And no classmate has ever called me Song Yaowu in last 40 years since then.
后来我一直想找到那个记者，希望他能站出来，说句公道话。先后找过相关的人，都说那个时候不实行实名制，不知道谁写的。
Later I always intended to find that reporter, hoping he would come out and do me justice. I have talked to relevant people, but was told that reporters didn’t sign true names at that time, therefore there was no way to find him.
主持人：我看过有人写的文章，说师大女附中也改名“红色要武中学”了，很可笑。当时我看见红纸黑字“红色要武中学”贴在校牌上，16岁的我心里一直在冷笑。当年在校的老师学生谁能接受这个名字？它比师大女附中好听吗？没过几天红纸就被扯干净了。
Host: I read an article, saying the School for Girls had changed the name to ‘Red Yaowu High School Red Yaowu High School
宋彬彬：8月21日《人民日报》转载了《光明日报》那篇文章，立刻就在全国传开了，我是百口难辩，再说什么都没人信了。后来经常有外边的人来学校看我，看到我都很失望：“你怎么是这样啊？一点儿不是我们想象中的样子。
Song: On August 21, the article was reproduced by People’s Daily, and spread over the whole nation immediately. I was not able to clear things out. Nobody would believe the truth that I would tell. Later many people from other places came to see me, and they were disappointed when seeing me. They said: how come you look like this? You are not like what we liked to see.
8月19日我和刘进宣布退出“筹委会”以后，基本上就退出了学校的运动，成了逍遥派。我们班保工作组的人都成了逍遥派，我们成立了一个小组叫“中流击水”，有人说我们是“中午击水”，因为每天中午我们都到八一湖去游泳。当时名字的问题给我很大烦恼，我说，我不叫宋要武，也不能叫宋彬彬了，我们小组的同学说这么办吧，咱们翻字典，翻到哪儿算哪儿。一个同学拿来一本字典，随便翻了一页，手指“岩”字，我觉得可以，就在那个时候改名叫宋岩，以后插队、工作都是叫宋岩。
After Liu Jin and I announced to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19, I basically withdrew from the school’s movement, becoming a free person. All my classmates defending the work team became free people. We established a group called ‘hitting the water in the middle of the river’. Some people called us ‘hitting the water in the middle of day’, as we went swimming in the lake every noon. My name upset me a lot. I didn’t like Song Yaowu, but could not return to Song Binbin, either. People in my group proposed that we would browse a dictionary, and randomly pick a character. A classmate brought a dictionary, randomly went to a page, and pointed to a character with her finger. Her finger was on the character ‘Yan2’(rock). I felt it OK, and changed my name to Song Yan. After that I used Song Yan in the countryside and work.
于羚：当时我们学校来的信都在门房（传达室）里，有个大纸盒子，学生都去那儿找信。我是住校生，父母都调外地工作了，我的家信比较多，总跑去看信。给我印象特别深的是，“八一八”过后，传达室大纸盒子里的信骤增，铺天盖地的都是“宋要武收”。 当时我就认为这个名字是强加给宋彬彬的，我不认为宋彬彬愿意改这个名字，那时我并不认识她。现在看来，所谓改名的始作俑者，就是《光明日报》记者，他的那篇文章将“宋要武”凝固成一个符号，但“宋要武”从来就不是宋彬彬。
Yu Ling: At the time, all incoming letters to the school were in the reception room. There was a big box. Students always looked for their letters in it. I was a boarding student, as my parents had been transferred to another city. Receiving more letters, I often went to collect them. I was deeply impressed that after August 18, incoming letters in the big box suddenly increased. All of them were addressed to Song Yaowu. At that time I didn’t know her in person. Now it is clear that the name change was started by the reporter of Guangming Daily. His article symbolized ‘Song Yaowu. But this ‘Song Yaowu’has never been Song Binbin.
主持人：高三1班刘沂伦也说拆看过不少信，多得根本看不完，也没多大意思。信的内容基本上是两类，一类是向“宋要武”表示致敬、学习，决心“把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底”，一类是向“宋要武”汇报他们那里文化大革命如何遇到挫折了，走资派或保皇派如何压制造反派了，希望“宋要武”能去支持他们。有一封信是从武汉一个学校寄来的，信中说，“宋要武”在武汉发表言论支持保皇派，保湖北省委，“我们革命造反派感到非常失望和愤怒”，希望她悬崖勒马。由此刘沂伦知道宋彬彬到武汉去了一趟，在武汉做了“保皇派”。
宋彬彬，除了8·18上天安门戴袖章的事，很多人对你的武汉之行有深刻记忆，网上也有各种传说，下面请你谈谈为什么去武汉，在那里做了什么？
Host: Liu Yilun at class 1 of senior high grade 3 also opened many letters, too many to read. The letters were mostly meaningless, and could belong to two categories. One was to pay respect to Song Yaowu, learn from her, and was determined to carry the cultural revolution to the end. The other type was to tell her that the cultural revolution was subdued, the capitalist-roaders suppressed the rebel faction, and hoped that Song could come and support them. A letter from a school in Wuhan said that Song Yaowu supported royalists and defended the Hubei Provincial Committee, ‘We revolutionary rebel faction are feeling very disappointed and angry,’and hoping she will act in the nick of time. Therefore, Liu Yilun knew that Song had a trip to Wuhan Wuhan Wuhan
叶维丽：我插一句，因为湖北这事有一个署名传单，白纸黑字，在我们低年级学生印象中，觉得你用过宋要武这个名字，至少在我印象里是这样。第一次刘进介绍我跟你面谈时，我一上来就对你说：“你在卡玛的电影里说，从来没用过‘宋要武’这个名字，把话说满了。”理由就是我当年的那个印象。当时你很不愿意谈去湖北的事，也就没有谈。这个事情我觉得到了应该澄清的时候了。
Ye Weili: I beg to interpose. You signed the name of Song Yaowu in a pamphlet published in Hubei Wuhan
宋彬彬：2007年12月25日圣诞节那天，我参加班里十几个同学的一个聚会，有同学提到了这件事，并回忆起我当年说过的话，大家鼓励我写出当年的经过。关于去武汉这件事，我一直不想说，担心伤害到别人。我班一个同学曾在湖北黄石工作，她说当地很多人因为我支持了保守派，都特别恨我。我想我已经被骂了，骂多骂少都一样，反正我就是不愿意讲武汉的事。
Song Binbin: On December 25, 2007, I attended a party with more than 10 classmates. Someone mentioned this trip, and recalled what I said then. They encouraged me to write my experience with it. I didn’t like to talk about the trip to Wuhan, in order not to hurt other people. One of my classmates worked in Hubei Wuhan
事情是这样的，湖北省委书记王任重文革初期是中央文革小组成员，他找我和刘进去钓鱼台，动员我们两个到武汉去，时间是“八一八”之后。因为家长之间的关系，王任重认得我们俩。他还找了清华附中骆小海、卜大华等比较有名、有影响的学生，想动员我们到湖北去保省委。
Now I will talk my trip to Hubei Wuhan Qinghua University Hubei
刘进：王任重说湖北省委是革命的，现在有人反对省委，这件事可能是有什么背景的。他当时背了一段毛主席语录，然后就问咱们怎么办？你马上说，那不行啊，不能让他们反对省委。王任重说：“那你们能不能去一趟武汉？”我说不是让自己解放自己吗？怎么还让我们去呀？我当时是脱口而出，没有多想什么，就觉得和“自己解放自己”的精神不一样，干嘛让我们去呀，湖北还有湖北人呢！然后王任重就问你：“彬彬，那你呢？”你说你可以去。
Liu Jin: Wang Renzhong said that the Hubei Provincial Committee was revolutionary. But some people were opposed to it, which might have a background. He recited a quotation from Chairman, and asked us what to do? You said immediately that you were not allowed to oppose the provincial committee. Wang Renzhong said: ‘Can you go to Wuhan?’I said: ‘Are people encouraged to liberate themselves? Why are we asked to go? I blurted out the words, and didn’t think much, but felt it was not in the spirit of ‘liberating selves’. ‘Why do we have to go? Are there people in Hubei?’Then Wang Renzhong asked you: ‘Binbin, what about you?’ You said you could go.
宋彬彬：我答应去武汉，是基于对王任重的信任。抗战时期他是我父亲的老部下，在大灾荒中他俩还同拉一个犁杖耕过地，父亲曾经说过王任重是冀南军区四大才子之一。实际上去武汉的许多细节我都记不清了，是在近年调查中，渐渐串起来的记忆碎片。
Song Binbin: I agreed to go to Wuhan
我是1966年9月初去的武汉。到武汉后，我们被安排住在湖北省委第二招待所（在我们之后来的清华附中骆小海、卜大华也住这儿）。随后就有好多保守派大学生来找我，让我们支持他们。我说我们得先到大学去看一下，看完以后再做结论。我们去了好几所大学和武钢，看大字报、开座谈会，跑了几天，大家讨论的结果是：湖北省委基本是好的，应该三七开。我们就写了个草稿让他们先看看。一天早上，我们看到了《长江日报》夹带着署名宋要武等5人的公开信，非常惊讶。公开信不是我们的原稿，做了很大的改动，不但措辞激烈，还夹带着当时流行的骂人粗话。当时我一看到“宋要武”三个字，就非常气愤，立即去湖北省委找到负责同志询问。他和我谈了很长时间，声泪俱下地说：“我们跟着毛主席爬雪山过草地，抗战八年吃了多少苦，牺牲了多少同志，现在要打倒我们，我们怎么会是反党、反毛主席的人呢？”*
I went to Wuhan Qinghua University
*说老实话，我非常同情他们，不相信他们会是反党反毛主席的走资派。我说，我们可以声明支持省委，但你们也要实事求是，那个公开信不是我写的，你们不能以我的名义发表，而且我也不叫“宋要武”。他们同意我写一份声明，然后交给省委印发。当晚我就写好了声明，我觉得湖北省委是好的，不同意打倒湖北省委，也不愿意看到两派群众的对立。可是他们突然通知我，说我父亲病重，火车票已经给我们5人买好了，我心里着急就把写好的声明交给了他们，请他们给予发表。回家一见到我妈，就问我爸得了什么病，我妈说你爸没病啊。我这才明白，实际上是湖北省委想支走我。*
Frankly, I was very sympathetic with them, and didn’t believe they were capitalist-roaders of anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao. I said that we could make a statement to support the provincial committee, but they had to be realistic, too. I didn’t write the open letter. It could not be published in my name. And my name was not Song Yaowu. They agreed that I would write a statement, and gave to the provincial committee to print and distribute. At that night I finished writing the statement, saying the Hubei Provincial Committee was good, and I didn’t agree to knock it down, and didn’t like to see the opposition of the two factions of people, either. But they suddenly told me that my father was very sick, and they had purchased the train tickets for us five people. I worried a lot, and gave them the statement, and asked them to publish. Arriving home, I asked what the matter was with my father. My mom answered that my father was not sick. At that time I realized that the Hubei Provincial Committee was trying to send me away.
*我跟妈妈讲了经过，她劝我以后不要再提这事了。妈妈说他们那样做的确不对，但他们是在危难关头，已经被斗、被打、被逼无奈了，处于那种情况下，他们不得不出此下策，就是想利用“宋要武”的名声保自己，而你却那么较真儿，还要写什么声明，人家是拿你没办法了才想的招儿。听了妈妈的话，我觉得我可以理解这件事，自那以后我从没提过武汉之行，直到现在。
I told my mom about the trip. She advised me not to mention it again. She said it was incorrect for them to do this, but they were at a juncture of calamity, had been denounced and beaten up, and had no way out. Under that circumstance, they adopted this trick of taking advantage of the name of Song Yaowu to protect themselves. But I took it too earnestly, and intended to publish a statement. Without any other way out, they sent me away. Listening to mother’s words, I felt to be able to understand those people. Since then I never discussed the trip to Wuhan
主持人：我这里有那份夹在《长江日报》中的传单，题目是《致北京、武汉革命同学的公开信》，全文不到3000字，公开信发表时间是1966年9月6日，署名宋要武 华小康 刘静梓 朱培 潘小红，后4人是高一2班学生。
Host: I have here the pamphlet inserted in the Yangtze Daily, in the title of ‘An open letter to the revolutionary students in Beijing and Wuhan’. The whole letter consists of less than 3000 characters. The letter was published on September 6, 1966, and was signed by Song Yaowu, Hua Xiaokang, Liu Jingzi, Zhu Pei
刘进：刘静子（传单写成刘静梓）写过文章，说到当年的事。她们到武汉后，借了几辆自行车，去武汉大学、华中工学院等多所高校和武钢看大字报，开座谈会，讨论湖北省委到底该不该打倒，取得了共识，认为是革命的就打不倒。但对省委的功过多少开，意见是分歧的。*
Liu Jin: Liu Jingzi wrote an article about the trip. After arriving in Wuhan , they borrowed a few bicycles and went to University of Wuhan , Central China Engineering College
*宋彬彬被省委叫去谈话，回来后心情激动，把原来的三七开变成了二八开。宋彬彬和张小康——传单上是华小康，一人执笔一人口述，开始打草稿，内容多为分析和说理，写得像温吞水。她们没想到草稿变成铅字公开发表时，文章不但被改得面目全非，而且还有很多骂人的话，是杀气腾腾的“右派宣言”。当她们拿到传单时“全体都傻了，尤其忘不了宋彬彬的表情”，大家一致认为得写个声明，说清文章不是她们写的，不能代表她们的观点。后来，湖北省委给她们买好了火车票，把她们打发走了。
Song Binbin was invited by the provincial committee to talk. She was excited when coming back. She changed the original 30% failure versus 70% success to 20% failure versus 80% success. Song Binbin and Zhang Xiaokang started to draft an article, with one person dictating and the other writing. The content mostly was analysis and reasoning, so was quite mild. But they never expected that when the draft was published, it was totally changed, and lots of names callings were added. It became an ultra-rightist declaration. They were all stunned when seeing the pamphlet, in particular Song Binbin’s expression. All of them thought they had to write a statement, to say they didn’t write the article. It was not their opinion. Later, the Hubei
主持人：我看这事一说就清楚了，湖北省委扛不住了，想利用北京来的学生，特别是“宋要武”这三个字，震慑一下造反的本地学生。从8月19日声明退出“筹委会”以后到文革结束，除了武汉事件以外，还有与你有关的事吗？
2 Host: This matter is clear. The Hubei Provincial Committee was not able to work by itself, and intended to intimidate the local rebel students with students from Beijing, particularly ‘Song Yaowu’. From announcing to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19 to the end of cultural revolution, did you take part in any other relevant activities, besides the trip to Wuhan?
宋彬彬：没有。关于我在文革初期参与的活动，基本上就是这些。请允许我利用这个机会，在此郑重声明：我从来没有参加或组织过任何打人、抄家、斗同学等暴力或过激行动；除了武汉这件事以外，我也没有参与过外地红卫兵、保守派或造反派的任何活动。
Song: No. That’s all of my activities in the early cultural revolution. I would take this opportunity to make a statement: I’ve never taken part in or organized any violence or radical activities such as beating, searching house or denouncing students. Except for the trip to Wuhan, I’ve never taken part in any activities of conservative or rebel factions in other places.
叶维丽：去年《南方周末》有一篇纪念汶川地震一周年的文章， 题目叫《不要让地震成为一个传说》，我读后就想，我们也不能让文革成为一个传说。关于宋彬彬的事情，今天确实成了传说。
Ye Weili: Last year,‘The Southern Weekend’ published an article to mark the 1st anniversary of the Wenchuan earthquake. The title is’Don’t let the earthquake to become a legend. We should not allow the cultural revolution to become a legend, either. Song Binbin has indeed become a legend.
主持人：前年我看到王容芬女士的一篇文章，文中提到了原师大女附中老师林莽（又名陈洪涛）讲的一件事：文革中宋彬彬穿着绸衬衫、花裙子，身旁站着高大的男生，提审他和一位历史老师。他遭到了那个大个男生和几个女红卫兵的毒打。那天夜里他决定和母亲一起触电自杀，但没死成。林莽的这一说法完全是张冠李戴。那位历史老师证实，林莽讲的事情发生在1968年下半年工宣队进校后“清理阶级队伍”时期。当时66届学生基本离校，部分就业，大部下乡插队。学校恢复招生，就近入学，才有了男生。事实上，该历史老师也并没有和林莽一起被提审过，林先生更不可能见过宋彬彬——那时候，宋彬彬已被“四人帮”的亲信软禁在沈阳。可见，王容芬的文章中所写的宋彬彬也是关于她的传说之一。
Host: In the year before last, I read an article by Ms. Wang Rongfen, which mentioned a story by Lin Mang (another name of this person is Chen Hongtao). During the culture revolution, Song Binbin once wore silk shirt and fancy skirt, with a tall boy student standing by her, interrogated Lin and a teacher of history. He was beaten up by the boy student and several female red guards. That night he decided to commit suicide with electricity together with his mother, but failed to die. That teacher of history has verified that the event happened after the worker propaganda team came to the school in 1968 when all graduates of 1966 had left. Some worked in Beijing
宋彬彬：我接着把自己的事大概讲一下。1967年初，邓小平被打倒后，江青把我父亲打为东北最大的走资派。她在一次会上大骂我父亲保刘邓，反毛主席，还说宋任穷的鬼女儿跑到武汉去保湖北省委如何如何。1968年4月初，我和母亲被“四人帮”的亲信押送到沈阳，妈妈被关押在东北局替爸爸挨批斗，不许回家，后来又被押到干校劳改。而我被软禁起来，不允许和外界有任何联系。
Song: Let me continue my story. In early 1967 after Deng Xiaoping was down, Jiang Qing labeled my father as the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China . In a meeting she scolded my father of protecting Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and said that Song Renqiong’s daughter went to Wuhan Shenyang Northeast China , to be criticized and denounced for Father, and was not allowed to come home, and later was sent to cadre school to do physical labor. I was house arrested, and not allowed any outside contact.
1969年初冬的一个夜里，我在弟弟妹妹的帮助下，女扮男装从家里偷跑出来，到内蒙牧区投奔同学。我人还没到谣言就先到了，说宋要武杀人放火、强奸妇女、无恶不作，许多老乡都很害怕，不敢要我。因为我是逃到那儿的，落不了户口，就没有安置费，没有口粮，干活也没有工分。青年点的北京知青把他们的衣物、口粮匀给我，后来我也得到牧民们的帮助和保护，终于落下了户口。
At a night in early winter 1969, with the help of younger brother and sister, I made up a boy and fled home, to seek shelter with classmates at the grazing land in Inner Mongolia . Rumors arrived before me. It was said that Song Yaowu would kill people, set fire to houses, rape women, and do all the evil things. Many villagers feared of taking me. As I ran away to there and was not able to register residency, thus has no settlement fees, no ration, and no work points for working, either. The youth from Beijing
1972年大学开始招工农兵学员。当时我父母被关押在辽宁盘锦的军队农场，因为父亲的问题和关于我的谣言，我这个女附中的高三毕业生，根本不敢奢望能上大学。出乎意料的是，我这样境遇的人，在知青、牧民老乡们和招生老师的帮助下，竟然成为“工农兵学员”！盟招生办的蒙古族金老师的话使我终生难忘：“在这种境况下你还能得到这么多人的信任与真心相助，你绝不该放弃理想与希望，要坚信：谣言只能是谣言，永远成不了事实。群众的眼睛是雪亮的，历史一定会还你一个清白！”一个素不相识的人敢对我讲出这样的话来，我的心灵受到了震撼，感动难以言表。从入学到毕业，长春地质学院的领导与师生们，用真诚的友爱支持着我，他们顶住了“四人帮”在东北的亲信（毛远新）不断施加的高压，保护了我这个东北最大走资派的女儿，他们的善良、正直和敢于担当，让我铭记终生，感恩终生。
Universities started to enroll worker-peasant-soldier students in 1972. At the time my parents were imprisoned in a military farm in Liaoning Province Northeast China . I will always remember their kindness, upright and courage.
文革中的经历让我只想远离喧嚣，认认真真地工作，清清白白地做人。我不经商不从政，不想出名不想升迁。我只和岩石、空气、数据打交道，对身边的人，我一律坦诚相待。但树欲静而风不止，无论我走到哪儿，谣言和谩骂都永远相伴。一方面我很迷茫、很苦恼，很无望，另一方面，我也感受到了周围人的理解与支持，是他们给了我温暖和生活的信心，使我能走过这四十多年的沟沟坎坎。
My experience in the cultural revolution makes me intend to leave the noise, to work hard and lead a quiet life. I didn’t do business, politics, and was not interested in fame and promotion. I only dealt with rocks, air and data, and honestly treated all people around me. But the tree may prefer calm but the wind keeps blowing. Wherever I went, rumors and abuses always followed. I was perplexed, distressed and hopeless on one hand, but on the other I felt the understanding and support from the people around me. They gave me warmth and confidence for life which led me walk through the tough life for more than 40 year
我到美国读书后也遇到了同样的困扰。刚一下飞机，华人办的《世界日报》等，就掀起了许多谣言。还有国内的访问学者向中国大使馆告我，说我到美国上学拿的是CIA的钱，大使馆曾上报中央，有关部门也对我进行过调查。那时为了挣学费，我除了在学校做助教（一周工作20个小时），还在犹太人家中做了四年多的帮佣，做饭打扫遛狗带孩子，什么都干过。中国大使馆曾去我就读的美国学校BC（Boston College，波士顿学院）调查，学校作证，说我做助教是校方出的奖学金。当时我的系主任非常生气，说向大使馆告我属于特务行为，他一定要我讲出是谁告的我，学校要开除这种人。我坚持不说，不想给别人找麻烦。我去MIT（麻省理工学院）上学后，跟周围访问学者的关系都很好。当地华人期刊或报纸刊登关于我的谣言时，他们都非常愤怒，有人还要写文章替我澄清。我不想再搅得沸沸扬扬，成为焦点，只想安静地做自己的事。
I encountered same type of trouble after coming to study in the U.S. Immediately stepping off the airplane, the Chinese-language newspaper, the World Journal, spread a lot of rumors on me. Some visiting scholars from China reported to Chinese embassy on me, saying that I was attending the American school with CIA’s funding. Chinese embassy reported the allegation to CCP’s central committee. CCP’s relevant department investigated me. At that time I worked on campus 20 hours per week as teaching assistant. In addition, I worked as maid for a Jewish family for 4 years, by doing everything, including cooking, cleaning, walking dogs and baby-sitting. Chinese embassy went to my school, Boston College China
在美国多年中，BBC等许多新闻机构的记者都曾想采访我，被我拒绝了。网上怎么骂我、侮辱我、评论我，我也都不理睬。2002年，我的一些美国朋友告诉我，在美国许多大学图书馆看到了一本美国出版的关于性学的研讨文集，这本书是西方许多大学的参考书。书中有一篇美国学者Emily Honing的文章，内容以女附中8月5日事件为例研究女性暴力。Honing从没到北京和师大女附中做过调查，她的主要依据是一篇女附中原高一3班学生写的文章。美国朋友们认为她对我的指控很能吸引西方人的眼球，以致西方学者读此文后都确信宋彬彬就是八五暴力事件的组织者。因此，不单是Honing，连为此书作序的一位世界著名的性学权威，也在序言中专门挑出Honing的文章，以我和我父亲为例来讨论问题。*
During many years in the U.S. Beijing
*当时许多在美国的中国学者都很气愤，说以前你可以不说话，因为那些都是小道消息或是谣言，现在野史变成了正史，而且是在西方正式出版，西方大学都用它来当参考书，你要再不出来说话就不行了。原来我是拒绝接受一切采访的，但这次我觉得应该为自己做辩护。
At that time many Chinese scholars in the U.S.
朋友们都认为Honing的文章和此书的序言是严重失实的，影响广泛而恶劣。许多人建议我以失职、诬告及名誉诽谤罪起诉作者、序作者和出版社，有人帮我联系好了律师。后经一位美国朋友居中沟通，使我了解到，Honing是错在没有去北京和女附中实地调查，偏信了别人的文章；而出版社和序作者又都相信了Honing和前面那篇文章，他们都承认犯了学者不该犯的错误。由于美国朋友的调停，我最终没有走法律程序，同意了由作者、序作者和出版社在一家著名学术刊物《亚洲研究通讯》（Asian Studies Newsletter）上向我公开道歉（译文和原文附后）。
All my friends thought Honing’s article and the book’s preface were very untrue. The influence was wide and vile. Many people proposed to sue the author, the preface author and the publisher for dereliction of duty, false accusation and reputation slander. Some one arranged a lawyer for me. Later from an American friend, I learned that Honing didn’t come to Beijing and the High School for Girls to conduct investigation, but mistakenly trusted another person’s article. And the publisher and preface author believed in Honing and that article. They all admitted that they had made mistakes that scholars shouldn’t have. Thanks to mediation of my American friends, eventually I didn’t take the case to court, but agreed that the author, preface author and publisher publish an apology in a well-known academic publication, the Asian Studies Newsletter. The letter is attached to the end of this article.
主持人：最后一个问题，我的朋友对你在卡玛电影里的表现不理解，既然你在多年里一直被妖魔化，为什么不利用那次机会为自己辩诬？
Last question. My friends don’t understand your behavior in Karma’s film. As you have been demonized for many years, why did you not defend yourself in the film?
宋彬彬：卡玛拍《八九点钟的太阳》之初曾想采访我，我拒绝了。后来，卡玛的片子已基本制作完成，又临时加进对我的采访，带到柏林电影节去剪辑的。在卡玛片子里，我没有露面，只大致做了一些声明以澄清谣言，之所以这样做是因为我有所顾虑：当时我儿子在美国上学，我在州环保部工作。“911”之后我所工作的小单位任务非常繁重，我们是一个人干两三个人的活，就连周末、节假日或是大暴风雪都要轮流工作，常常累得不行。卡玛的电影要在美国公共电视台播出，我若一露面，我们单位将会成为社会关注的焦点，那工作还怎么干？我不想在美国再次成为公众人物，再次陷入舆论的漩涡和媒体的注视中，不想伤害我的家人和孩子，也绝不想因我而扰乱单位及同事的正常工作和生活，所以我不能在卡玛片子里露面，这就是当时的考虑，没想到却引发了更大一轮的误解和攻击。
Song: At the beginning of shooting the ‘Sun in the Morning’, Karma intended to interview me. I refused. Later, when making of the movie was nearly complete, she added the interview to it, and took it to Berlin U.S.
叶维丽：冯敬兰在访谈开场时讲到关于卞仲耘之死两个版本。我也想在这里简单讲讲为什么在王友琴已经写出了文章后，我仍然想做这个题目。我做这件事，实际上是我梳理自己和我们这代人成长过程的一个延伸。卞的死让我受到太深刺激，深到很多年后还做噩梦。既然是梳理成长史，就绕不过这个重大事件。我是学历史的，很想把这个事件放到当年的历史情境中去看。虽然王友琴已经写了文章，但我想，关于文革的研究，做的人不是太多，而是太少，多一些人来研究同一件事，可以加深我们对问题的理解。
Ye Weili: Feng Jinglan talked about the two versions of the death of Bian in the opening statement. I would like to talk about why after Wang Youqin had published an article, I still wanted do this topic. In fact, to do it is an extension of reorganizing my and our generation’s development. I was deeply saddened by the death of Bian, and still had nightmares many years after. Reorganizing my history cannot circumvent this important incident. I am a student of history, and like to put this incident to the historical environment of those years. Wang Youqin had published her article. But I thought that research on the cultural revolution was not too much, but too little. When an event was studied by more people, we would have better understanding of it.
在做调查的过程中，我直接感受到了文革在当今社会的被漠视和被遗忘。我曾到女附中校史室找卞校长的照片，校史办工作人员听说过卞校长是文革中被打致死的，但她又说：“是大学生来打的吧？”这位工作人员的父亲是当年的校医，姨母是8月5号被打的校领导之一，她的工作是管理校史，尚且无知到这种地步。这种情况令人震惊，也更加促使我一定要做这个题目。我想在反抗遗忘这一点上，我和王友琴应该有不少共同的想法。
In my investigation, I’ve seen that the cultural revolution is ignored and forgotten. When I was looking for Principal Bian’s photo at the office of school history of the High School for Girls, a worker had heard that Principal Bian was beaten to death in the cultural revolution, but said: ‘Did university students come here to do it?’ This worker’s father was the school doctor. Her aunt was one of the school leaders who were beaten up on August 5, 1966. She was so ignorant as a worker of school history. The situation was shocking, which drove me to do this topic. In the matter of resisting forgetfulness, Wang Youqin and I share same opinions.
最近，有人提出来追查卞案中“凶手”的问题。我想说，我们面临的问题远比揪出几个“凶手”更为复杂。这些年我一直在问，为什么一所优秀女校的学生会成为施暴者？是什么样的教育导致我们中的一些人做出那样伤天害理的事？我的小书《动荡的青春》在一定意义上试图回答这个问题。在调查了解卞校长之死的过程中，我发现这也是很多校友们共同的问题，我们都在追问。我觉得追问这些问题更有意义。
Recently some people proposed to investigate the killers of the incident. It is my opinion that our question is more complex than catching several killers. I have been thinking in these years that why students from an excellent school for girls could become violent beaters? What type of education caused some of us did such bloody atrocities? I tried to answer these questions in my book ‘The Turmoil of Youth’. In my investigation of the death of Principal Bian, I ‘ve found it a question being asked by many alumni. We are all seeking answers. So I find it quite significant to ask these questions.
2002年开始做调查后，我得到过很多人的帮助。冯敬兰帮我联系了我们班十来位同学，听她们讲述当年目击的情形。于羚也介绍我采访了一些高中的同学。 2002年夏天一个偶然的机会我碰到刘进。我“八五”那天不在校，没看见卞校长躺在垃圾车上惨不忍睹的形状，给我刺激最深的是刘进第二天在广播里讲的一句话，“死了就死了。”那天见到刘进，我问了心中存了很久的问题：你那天说没说过“死了就死了”？对我这个陌生人突如其来的提问，刘进回答，“说了”，毫无闪烁其辞。她同时告诉我这句话的来历。刘进坦诚的态度给我留下了很好的印象。此后刘进对我的调查一直非常支持，包括帮我联系访问宋彬彬。
I have been helped by many people since I started the investigation in 2002. Feng Jinglan helped me contact more than 10 classmates who told me what they saw about the incident. Yu Ling also introduced me to some students of senior high. In the summer 2002 I met Lin Jin by chance. I was not in school on August 5, 1966, so didn’t see the miserable status of Principal Bian in the garbage cart. What she said in the broadcast speech stimulated me the most: ‘dead is dead.’ When seeing Liu Jin that day, I asked her the question that had been in my mind for a long time, ‘Did you say ‘dead is dead’ that day?’ To this sudden question from a stranger, Liu Jin answered: ‘yes, I did’, with no attention to deny. Then she explained to me why she said it. She left me a good impression with her honest attitude. Later Liu Jin was very helpful to my investigation, including helping me contact and visit Song Binbin.
我也感谢卞校长丈夫王晶垚先生对我的信任和对我调查工作的帮助。作为卞校长的遗属，他在难以想象的危难条件下，为他的亲人、也为所有的文革受难者留下了血证。看着他在胡杰的影片中一件一件拿出卞校长当天的衣物时，我既感动，又敬佩。就凭这一条，老爷子做出了历史贡献。我愿意在这里感谢所有帮助我的人，大家都在拒绝遗忘，正视历史。
I am also grateful for Mr. Wang Jinggui, husband of Principal Bian’s help for my investigation. As Principal Bian’s relative, he kept the blood evidence for other relatives and the victims of the cultural revolution, under the extremely difficult circumstances. In Hu Jie’s film, he took out Bian’s clothes one piece of Principal’s after another. I was moved, and admired him. Mr. Wang made historical contribution. I like to thank all people who have helped me. We all refuse to forget, and look at the history.
主持人：八五事件已经成为一段历史，它不仅提供了一个文革暴力的典型，也在政治、历史、文化、教育、心理、性别等诸多方面的研究上提供了特殊的样本。不仅仅是卞校长的不幸让我们深思，那些加害于她的学生，从另一方面也展现了典型的意义。我想起一个参与殴打老师的同学，不少人记住了她的名字。她长得很漂亮，像电影《苦菜花》里的女英雄赵星梅。她后来是全校最出名的“反动学生”，我在1968年3月28日的日记里记着她的主要“反动言论”：二十年后看高低；中央文革正确与否几十年后才能证明；由种种理论推断，中国必然要出修正主义。*
The August 5 Incident has become history. It provides not only a typical case of violence in the cultural revolution, but a model for research on politics, history, culture, education, psychology and gender. No only Principal Bian’s misery makes us think deeply, but also those students torturing her, have also displayed typical significance. I remember a student beating up the teachers. Many people remember her name. She was a beautiful girl, looking like Zhao Xingmei, the heroine in the movie ‘The Bitter Flower’. Later she became the most famous ‘reactionary student’of the school. Her major ‘reactionary speech’ was recorded in my diary of March 28, 1968: ‘We must wait 20 year to see who will win and lose. Whether the CCP’s Central Group for Cultural Revolution is correct only can be proved dozens of years later. Deduced from various theories, revisionism will definitely appears in China.’
*我在4月2日的日记里再次写到她当天在阶梯教室被斗争的情形，她的胳膊被同学架起成“喷气式”，她愤怒地仰起挣得通红的脸大声分辩：“中央文革的大方向对不对，就是二十年后才能看！”后来我们陆续上山下乡了。几年后，听说她疯了。因文革而精神错乱的同学，还有前面提到的高三4班反工作组的李黎黎，后来她又患上红斑狼疮，在下乡到北大荒的第二年，因服药过量辞世，年仅22岁。初三4班同学闻佳，因“反革命罪”险遭枪决，文革结束虽然平反释放，但精神错乱而致终生不幸。今天想到她们，我仍会心痛。卞校长遇难的第三年——1968年我下乡北大荒后，陆续听到了母校在“清队”中不断有老师被迫自杀的消息，记得是四位，其中语文特级教师周学敏（女）创立过“周学敏教学法”，最年轻的胡秀正（女）老师才三十出头。这就是万劫不复的文革。
My diary on April 2 again described that she was criticized and denounced that day. Her arms were hold backward by students. She angrily lifted her head and spoke loud: ‘We have to wait another 20 years to see whether the central group of cultural revolution is correct.’Later we gradually went to countryside. A few years after, we heard she was insane. Aforementioned Li Lili from class 4 of senior high grade 3, who was opposed to the work team, also became insane due to the cultural revolution. Later she caught the lupus sebaceous, and died of drug overdose at the age of 22 after settling down in the countryside in northeastern China
今天，我们五个不同家庭背景、不同成长经历的校友走到一起，共同完成了一个久蓄于胸的宿愿——把真实的记忆留下来。我们深知，道德激情不等于历史真相，群体义愤不能代替理性思考。没有哪个人可以垄断历史的解释权，也没有哪个人可以完全、永久地真理在握。正是基于这一认识，我们谨怀殷切诚挚之心，期待着校友、知情者和方家学者的批评指正。
Today, we five alumni with different family background and life experience, come together to fulfill a long-delayed desire – to leave the true memories behind. We know that moral enthusiasm is not historical facts. Collective indignation must not replace rational pondering. Nobody can monopolize the explanation of history, nor hold the truth in hand forever. Exactly based on this knowledge, we are sincerely expecting criticism and correction from our alumna, informants and scholars.
《An Apology to Song Binbin》
-- Asian Studies Newsletter, Spring Issue, 2003. Volume 48, Number 2, P38 www.aasianst.org
“The contributors and editors of Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities (University of California Press, 2002) listed below would like to publicly apologize to Song Binbin and her family for including in the first printing of the book statements that presented Ms. Song as responsible for violent acts that occurred near the start of Cultural Revolution. Including these statements in the book was a serious error in judgment. Furthermore, new information has come to light, in the form of interviews conducted by the Long Bow Group for their documentary film “Morning Sun,” that directed contradicts the notion that Ms. Song was involved in acts of violence. The editors are very sorry for the offense given and distress caused to Ms. Song and her family. The University of California Press
Susan Brownell, Emily Honing，Thomas Laqueur, and Jeffrey Wasserstrom.
———————————————————————————————
Photo: Song Binbin, painting by Professor Xu Weixin.
【访谈】
About the death of Bian Zhongyun
By Feng Jinglang, Liu Jin, Song Binbin, Yu Ling, Ye Weili
主持人 / 执笔：
l 冯敬兰 原北京师大女附中1966届/初三3班学生
Host/Writer: Feng Jinglan: Former student of the High School for Girls, junior high graduate of 1966. class 3
受访者：
Interviewees:
l 刘 进 原北京师大女附中1966届/高三3班学生，1966年6月3日至7月末工作组驻校期间任学生代表会主席
Liu Jin, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 3. Chair of Student Representative Meeting.
l 宋彬彬 原北京师大女附中1966届/高三3班学生，1966年6月3日至7月末工作组驻校期间为学生代表会副主席之一
Song Binbin, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 3. Vice chair of Student Representative Meeting.
l 于 羚 原北京师大女附中1966届/中五2班（五年制实验班）学生
Yu Ling, Former student of the High School for Girls, senior high graduate of 1966. class 2.
l 叶维丽 原北京师大女附中1966届/初三3班学生
Ye Weili. Former student of the High School for Girls, junior high graduate of 1966, class 3
主持人开场白
两年前，我去拜访一位著名科学家。谈话间，老人提起一件事：“我听说有个附中，文革初期红卫兵打死了女校长，那个头头后来上了天安门，受到毛的接见，他父亲后来还升了官。听说这个事情后我非常气愤。”我问：“您说的是不是师大女附中？”老人连说对对，就是这个学校。我说我正是这个学校的学生，据我了解，事情不是这么简单。随后，我讲了自己知道的一些情况。老人说：“你为什么不写出来？大家都不说，文革的历史会更混乱。”
或许正是这位老人的话，促成了我要做的这次访谈。
Host’s opening statement
Two years ago I visited a famous scientist. In our conversation, the old man said: ‘I heard about an attached high school. The woman principal was beaten to death by the red guards. Later the leader went to the stand of the Tian-An-Men Tower
师大女附中建校于1917年，曾为平津、华北地区的一所著名女中。1949年5月9日，国立北平师范大学附属女子中学与解放区来的华北育才中学（女生部）合并，同年6月28日接管私立文华女中，9月27日正名为“北京师范大学附属女子中学”。六十年来，该校因拥有优质的教育资源，成为社会上层家庭的女孩首选的中学之一。在历届学生中，党政军高级干部、高级统战人士、高级知识分子及社会名流的女儿占较大的比例。不过，普通家庭出身的学生也不在少数。我出身不好，幼年丧父（在运动中自杀），由寡母艰难带大，没有任何背景，完全是凭分数考进这所学校的。我们班45个学生，干部之女不及三分之一。
The High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University was established in 1917, and was once a well-known high school for girls in North China . On May 9, 1949, the High School for Girls attached to national Pei-ping Normal University combined with the section for girls of North China Yu-cai High School , took over the private Wen-hua School for Girls on June 28 of the same year, and was officially named High School for Girls attached to Beijing Normal University
文革初期，红卫兵运动发起在海淀区的清华附中、北大附中，高潮时期具有代表性的是北京四、六、八中这样的男校。为什么波澜不惊的师大女附中反而成为四十年间文革话题的一个中心呢？因为当年学校发生了两个事件，一个是8月5日卞仲耘副校长在学生批斗中死于非命，一个是8月18日高三学生宋彬彬给毛泽东戴了红卫兵袖章，她又恰恰来自高干家庭（其父宋任穷，时任东北局第一书记）。这两个被认为具有标志性的事件，频频出现在文革研究者和公共知识分子言说之中。
At the beginning of the cultural revolution, the movement of red guards was started at the High School attached to Qinghua University and High School attached to Beijing University China
卞校长遇难已经44年，当年亲历那个惨痛事件的在校生，年纪最小的也年近花甲，高年级学生已六十开外。我相信，经历过那一天的师生们，没有谁会忘记当时的狂热、混乱、恐怖、震惊和惨痛。卞校长的遗属王晶垚先生，多年来执着地坚守着控诉的权利，胡杰制作的电影《我虽死去》集中展示了王先生苦心收集的物证和资料，当我看到几个孩子跪在母亲遗体旁的照片时，禁不住泪流满面。
Principal Bian was killed 44 years ago. Of the students who had personal experience with that sad incident, the youngest are already near 60 years of age, and those who were at the section of senior high are already over 60. I believe none of the teachers and students who were on campus that day, would forget the craze, chaos, terror and sadness. Mr. Wang Jinggui, widower of Bian, for many years has insisted in the right of accusation. The movie ‘Even though I’ve died’produced by Hu Jie, intensively displays the evidence of materials collected by Mr. Wang. When seeing the children were kneeling down at the side of the mother’s remains, tears were flowing down to my face.
近年来，师大女附中毕业生就“八五事件”写的文章中，最有份量的是两篇同名的《卞仲耘之死》。作者之一是1968届高中生，高一3班学生王友琴（中国社会科学院文学博士，现为美国芝加哥大学中文高级讲师）。她在《文革受难者》（2004年出版）一书中，将《卞仲耘之死》置于首篇。该文以很长的篇幅描写了卞校长遇难的前前后后，文章强烈的批判色彩、明确的指控对象给人印象至深。我注意到，目前海内外研究文革的专家、学者主要采信的是此文提供的资料和观点。*
In recent years, of articles written by the High School graduates, two are most important, under the same title: the Death of Bian Zhong-yun. One is by Wang Youqin, a 1968 graduate of the High School for Girls. In 1966 she was class 3 of senior high grade 1, a Ph.D. in literature at the China Social Science Institute, now a senior lecturer in University of Chicago
*另一篇同名文章的作者是1966届初中生、初三3班学生叶维丽（美国耶鲁大学历史学博士，现为美国马萨诸塞州州立大学终身教授）。她于2006年7月在美国发表了英文版的学术性文章《卞仲耘之死》，中文版未有机会在国内公开发表，仅在博客网站“二闲堂”上贴出。此文有100多个注释，中文没有译出。上述两个版本的《卞仲耘之死》，从各自披露的细节到最后结论，均有重大的不同和分歧。
Author of another article in the same title is Ye Weili, a graduate of the High School for Girls in 1966. She was then in class 3 of junior high grade 3, and is a Ph.D. of Yale University, and currently a tenured professor at University of Massachusetts
叶维丽从2002年开始调查。几年来，她每年两次回北京进行调研，以期寻找更多的目击者与亲历者，包括当年工作组进校后的学生代表会主席刘进和多年来一直被有关舆论穷追猛打的宋彬彬。
Since 2002, Ye Weili returned to Beijing two times every year to conduct investigation, looking for more witnesses and those who had personal experience with the August 5 Incident, including Liu Jin who was the chair of the Congress of Students after the coming of the work team, and Song Binbin who has been the target of the media.
实际上，刘进也在2002年开始了她的调查，2007年退休后更是全力以赴。作为第一张大字报的发起人、工作组期间的学生代表会主席、“八五事件”后部分学生自发组织的文革“筹委会”的负责人，她独自或与宋彬彬（2003年回国）一道，走访了当年在校的老师、同学共110人，其中包括“八五事件”的暴力受害者、至今健在的校领导。她做了大量的笔录和笔记，并将一份详尽的回忆与调查，交给学校存档。
In fact, Liu Jin also started her own investigation in 2002, and has made all-out effort after her retirement in 2007. As the author of the first big-character poster, chair of student representatives during the work team, person in charge of self-organized ‘preparation committee’after the August 5 incident, she, independently or with Song Binbin (returning to China in 2003), visited 110 teachers and students who were at school in 1966, including the victims of the August 5 incident, school administrators who are still healthily alive. She took a great amount of notes, and submitted a detailed remembrance and investigation to school for archive.
于羚曾经帮助王晶垚先生整理过大量资料，可以说是间接的知情者。我于1996年发表散文《记忆的疮疤》，反思与追问“八五事件”，从2007年秋天开始介入调查工作。我们五个人从2008年1月24日第一次会面至今，已就同一话题多次聚谈，不断地理清脉络、提出质疑、矫正记忆、交换观点。
Yu Ling helped Mr. Wang Jingyao arrange a great amount of materials. She is an indirect informant. I published an article ‘The Scar of Memory’ in 1966, reflecting and inquiring the August 5 Incident, and joining the investigation from 2007. Since our first meeting on January 24, 2008, five of us have met many times, discussing the same topic. We have kept clarifying the outlines of the incident, raising questions, correcting memories, and exchanging points of view.
作为女附中的学生，卞校长之死是我们心中永远的痛。理清历史事件，让亲历者反思，让后人知晓，让历史铭记，是我们的责任。下面，围绕“八五事件”我对四位校友做的访谈中，将向社会披露我们多年来的调查结果，向学界坦陈我们对“八五事件”的初步思考。同时，宋彬彬、刘进也将首次公开讲述她们在文革中的经历。
As former students of the High School for Girls, the death of Principal Bian is the permanent pain in our heart. It is our responsibility to clarify the historical events to urge the witnesses to reflect, educate the later generations, to have the history be remembered. In the following, I will publish the results of our investigation of many years, concentrating on the August 5 Incident. My following interviews with four alumna are to present our initial reflection about the August 5 Incident. In the meantime, Song Binbin and Liu Jin will tell their experience during the cultural revolution for the first time.
访谈要点
Main points of interview
1、第一张大字报
2、工作组期间（运动的形式、学生反对工作组、批斗校领导、邓小平的指示、多数派犯了方向路线错误）
3、后工作组时期（毛泽东主义红卫兵成立、血统论横行、学生斗学生）
4、八五事件（卞校长遇难、向吴德汇报、成立文革筹委会）
5、红卫兵和“八一八”
6、关于宋彬彬
1. The first big-character poster
2. The time of the work team (form of movement, student opposing work team, denouncing school leaders, Deng Xiaoping’s direction, Majority making mistakes of direction)
3. The time of after work team (establish of Maoist red guards, the bloodline theory on the rampage, students denouncing one another)
4. The August 5 Incident (the death of Principal Bian, Reporting to Wu De. Setting up Preparation committee of cultural revolution)
5. The red guards and August 18
6. About Song Binbin
1、 第一张大字报
1. The first big-character poster
主持人：女附中的文革是从1966年6月2日开始的，印象里是教室的小喇叭突然在课间响了，然后就是夏青在播送一个社论，我的感觉好像战争发生了，立即心跳加速头皮发紧。下课后，就在校园里看见了大字报。大字报前人头攒动，刘进，是你们写的大字报，打破了校园平静的空气。为什么你会成为第一个？
Host: The cultural revolution at the High School for Girls started on June 2, 1966. My impression is the loudspeaker in the classroom suddenly sounded, the broadcaster Mr. Xia Qing was reading an editorial. I was feeling an eruption of a war. My heartbeat was speeding up, and scalp stretching. After the class, I saw a big-character poster on campus. Many people are reading in front of it. Liu Jin, you wrote this big-character poster, which broke the quiet atmosphere of the campus. Why did you become the first person of the school?
刘进：也许和我个人的成长经历有关吧。三年困难时期，我父亲（刘仰峤，时任河南省委书记）在河南工作，那里是重灾区。正上初中的我，亲身感受了大饥荒，亲眼看见了什么是一穷二白，也开始懂得什么是责任。1964年春，我随父母调动（刘仰峤调任高等教育部副部长）转学到女附中，插班在高一年级。乍来到北京，又是上了一个女校，我觉得自己和学校的风气有点格格不入，别人觉得我像农村来的，很土气，而我觉得学校缺乏劳动教育，很多同学身在福中不知福，有明显的“骄娇二气”，尤其是一些干部之女，特殊化严重。高一时我曾写过评论干部子女“骄娇二气”的作文，高二、高三还在课堂上和老师辩论过，被老师批评为思想偏激。那时，我一方面反对干部子女特殊化，另一方面又有舍我其谁的自来红思想。我崇拜英雄，一心向往革命，要为人民服务，要做一颗党的螺丝钉，有一种渴望战斗的强烈要求，这些在我身上表现得非常突出。
Liu Jin: That might be relevant to my personal experience. During the period of three-year of the great hunger, my father Liu Yangqiao, then was working in Henan province, as CCP’s secretary of the Province. Henan Beijing
主持人：听说你对自己有一种清教徒式的严酷要求，每天早起要做一套哑铃操，在高教部家属大院跑三圈，冲冷水澡后，6点多到校，再带领同学长跑、做60个仰卧起坐、俯卧撑。每年11月入冬前从不穿袜子，下乡劳动同学们挑50斤，你却挑100斤等等，这都是直接针对“骄娇二气”的吧？
It was said you had a puritan and cruel life style. Every morning you did a set of dumbbell exercise, ran three laps around the compound, took a cold water shower, arrived at school at a little after 6 o’clock, took classmates for a long-distance running, and did 60 sit-ups and press-ups. You didn’t wear socks until November. When doing physical labor in the countryside, other students carried 50 jin, but you carried 100 jin. Did all these behaviors target the life style of arrogance and delicacy?
刘进：是这样，当时很多学生都以自觉锻炼、自找苦吃为荣，我也一直坚持这样做，并于1965年年底入党。我在党支部会上也给学校的教育提过意见。 1966年上半年，党报不断发表批判文章，号召大家积极参加文化革命，特别是毛主席关于“学制要缩短，教育要革命，资产阶级知识分子统治我们学校的现象再也不能继续下去了”的指示，更让我感到事态的严重性，一种不让“江山变色、国家变修”的责任感和紧迫感得到了强化。我们曾为没有赶上战争年代，不能像父辈那样投身革命、献身革命遗憾，后来又为学校不像北京四中、六中、八中（均为著名男校）那样开展“四清”运动而遗憾。当时，我们学生党支部多次在一起分析形势，觉得终于有机会革命了。1966年5月，宋硕（时任北京市委大学工作部副部长）有个报告，我们认为是压制革命的，和社论讲的精神不一样。党支部的老师说，我们应该按照党的安排去做，要服从党的组织纪律，所以尽管有意见，我们还是在党内提出和讨论。
Yes. At that time many students took pride in physical exercise and hardship. I was doing the same, and joined the Party at the end of 1965. I raised different opinions about the school’s education. During the first half of 1966, the Party’s newspapers kept publishing articles of criticism, appealing people to take an active part in the cultural revolution, in particular Chairman Mao’s direction on ‘school years must be shortened, education revolved, and the phenomenon of our schools being ruled by intellectuals of the bourgeoisie is not allowed to continue any more’, which made me feel the seriousness of the problems. I had a strong sense of responsibility and urgency of not allowing the country to change color and state to become revisionist. We had felt sorry for not being in the war years and throwing ourselves into and devoting ourselves to the revolution. Later we felt sorry for not taking part in the movement of ‘Four Cleanings’, as did in the 4th, 6th, 8th high schools (all for boys) of Beijing. At that time, we student Party branch got together many times to analyze the situation, and were feeling the opportunity was coming. In May 1966, Song Shuo, the then vice minister of university work of CCP Beijing Committee, wrote a report. We thought it was suppressing revolution, and didn’t follow the editorial’s spirit. The teachers of the Party branch told us that we had to do what the Party told us to, and follow the Party’s discipline for organization. Therefore, even though we had different opinions, we kept our discussion within the Party.
1966年6月1日，《人民日报》发表了《横扫一切牛鬼蛇神》的社论。6月2日早6点，我在锻炼时听到早间的新闻正在广播聂元梓的大字报，特别激动。
现在党中央发出号召，支持我们了，说明我们的意见是对的。
On June 1, 1966, People’s Daily published an editorial entitled Sweep Away Evil People of All Kinds At 6am on June 2, when hearing Nie Yuanzi’s big-character poster was broadcasted in the radio’s morning news, I felt very excited. Now the Party has called, and supported us. This meant our opinion was correct.
看来在党支部内提出的问题和意见，也可以用大字报来公开表达。结果我连广播都没听完，就跑去找住在同院的马德秀，她是高三（6）班的学生党员。我说：“现在党号召了，咱们的意见可以说出来了，你愿意写大字报吗？”她说愿意。我俩又跑到学校去找我的同班同学宋彬彬，她是住校生（1966年4月入的党），她也支持我写大字报。时间还早，很多学生都没有到校呢，我们就开始写大字报了。因为这些意见都烂熟于心，用不着打草稿，你一言我一语，我用毛笔直接写在报纸上，署名刘进、宋彬彬、马德秀，然后贴了出去。过了这么多年，大字报的题目和内容我已经记不清了，印象里是对学校不让我们参加革命有意见，对宋硕的报告有意见，说学校教育路线上有问题，但没有针对具体的对象。据一些同学回忆，大字报的题目是：“校领导把我们引向何处？”内容以问话为主，头一句话就是“外界革命形势轰轰烈烈，而学校却是死水一潭，学校一心想引导的是让我们进行高考复习……”胡志涛校长（女）在《生活教育论》一书的《“八五”祭》里提到过我们的大字报，她说“矛头指向还很模糊，有指向北京市委的，有指向北大彭佩云的。
It seemed that questions and opinions within the Party branch could be expressed in the big-character poster, too. Without finishing listening to the radio, I rushed to Ma Dexiu who was living in the same compound, and a Party member student in Class 6 of senior high grade 3. I said:’Now the Party is calling. We can speak our opinions out. Are you willing to write a bi-character poster?’. She said yes. Then we rushed to school to look for my classmate Song Binbin. She was a boarding student, joining the Party in April 1966. She also supported my big-character poster. It was still early. Many students had not come to school yet. We started to write the big-character poster. Because we knew the opinions by heart, so didn’t have to draft. Each spoke out her opinion, and I wrote directly with brush pen, The signatures were by Liu Jin, Song Binbin and Ma Dexiu. Then we posted it out. After so many years, I cannot remember the title and content of the big-character poster. In general, we didn’t feel happy that the school didn’t allow us to take part in the revolution. We didn’t like Song Shuo’s report, saying the school had problems with its educational policy. But we didn’t concrete people. Some students recalled that the big-character poster’s title was “Where is the school leadership taking us to?’. The poster was mainly in dialog. The first sentence was: The revolutionary situation outside is vigorous, but the campus is a quiet pond. The school leadership wants us to prepare for college entrance exam . . .’ Principal Hu Zhitao mentioned our poster in the article ‘In Memory of August 5’ of her book ‘On Life Education: The criticism was rather indistinct, some targeting CCP Beijing committee, some targeting Peng Peiyun of Beijing University.’
本来以为把意见提出来想办法解决就行了，没想到大字报贴出后，学校秩序大乱，同学都无心上课了，这和想象中的革命不一样。我们也慌了，不知道该怎么办。党支部担心影响扩大，当天就把我们三人隔离到阶梯教室，告诫我们这么做很危险，将要滑到右派学生的泥潭。他们苦口婆心地帮助我们认识问题的严重性，希望我们认清形势检讨错误。我们对此很不理解，广播里都肯定了大字报，说明这就是党的号召，为什么我们给学校贴大字报就成反党行为了？那天在阶梯教室内外始终围着很多老师和学生，可以说是群情激愤，既有指责也有同情。
Originally I thought it would work after we provided our opinion to find a solution, but never realized that after the poster was out, the order of the campus was totally broke. Students had no heart for class. This was different from the revolution that we had expected. We panicked, and didn’t know what to do. The Party branch was afraid of wide influence, and placed three of us in the ladder classroom, saying it was dangerous for use to do this, and we could become rightist students. The earnestly helped us to understand the seriousness of our problems, expecting we see the situation and correct mistakes. We didn’t understand. The broadcasting had confirmed big-character posters, indicating it was the Party’s call. Why was our behavior anti-Party when we posted a poster criticizing the school? That day many teachers and students gathered in and outside of the ladder classroom and very excited, some criticizing but other sympathizing us.
2、工作组进校期间
主持人：我记得你们受到了“围攻”，我有深刻印象。接着就是工作组进校，动作很快，应该和邓榕有关吧，学校出了这么大的事，她回家一说，立即会引起她父亲的关注。
Host: I remember you were besieged, and my impression on it is rather deep. Then the work team came in quickly. This might be relevant to Deng Rong. Such a big event took place at the school. She returned home talking about it, which would have attracted her father’s attention immediately.
刘进：我想是这样。6月3日晚饭后，胡启立（时任团中央候补书记）带领团中央干部张世栋、马娴华来到学校，被一个同学直接带到阶梯教室。他们当场宣布说我们的行动是革命的，表示了支持，让我们的心情特别激动。6月4日一早，工作组正式进校，张世栋是工作组组长，马娴华是副组长，胡启立是西城区中学运动的负责人。欢迎大会上，胡启立、张世栋、胡志涛校长都讲了话，胡校长还传达了前一天李雪峰关于改组北京市委的报告。6月6日，工作组主持成立了革命师生代表会，教师代表二人，数学老师李松文和生物老师陈大文，学生代表五人，我、宋彬彬、马德秀、耿丽兰、尹斐，前四人为高三学生，尹斐是高二学生。我是学生代表会主席，其它四人为副主席。当天宣布复课，恢复正常秩序。所谓复课，就是学生每天在教室里读报纸、学社论，上下课铃照常响。老师不教课了，组织起来也是学社论。工作组的指导思想是让运动有序进行，先揭发，再慢慢梳理，找出问题的重点。
Liu Jin: I believe that was what happened. After the dinner on June 3, Hu Qili (then a reserve candidate for secretary for Youth League) came to school with Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua, cadres of the central committee. A student took them to the ladder classroom. They immediately declared that ours are revolutionary action and they supported us, which made us feel very excited. The work team officially came to School on June 4. Zhang Shidong was the team leader, and Ma Xianhua was the deputy leader. Hu Qili was in charge of the high schools of the Western City District. At the welcome meeting, Hu Qili, Zhang Shidong, Principal Hu Zhitao all made speeches. Principal also conveyed Li Xuefeng’s report on reorganizing the leadership of Beijing. On June 6, the work team presided over the establishment of the congress of revolutionary teachers and students, composing of two teachers: math teacher Li Songwen and biology teacher Chen Dawen. And five student representatives: me, Song Binbin, Ma Dexiu, Geng Lilan, and Yin Pei Yin Pei
It was announced to resume classes that day. Normal order returned. The so-called resuming classes was that students read newspapers and editorials in classrooms, the bell for class begin and over rang as it was, but teachers stopped teaching. They were also organized to study the editorials. The work team’s guideline was to carry on the movement in order, first exposing, then sorting out, to find out the key problem.
由于时间久远，我也没有留下文字记录，对很多事情的具体时间和内容都记不清了。幸运的是，在近年的调查过程中，我得到了许多同学的帮助。特别是高二2班一位同学把她当时的一本笔记借给了我，笔记从1965年一直记到1966年工作组撤走，记的基本是学校的事情，包括校领导和工作组在全校的讲话，非常珍贵。后面我要讲到的很多具体情况，依据的均是这本笔记。
Due to the length of time, and I didn’t take any note, I don’t remember the time and content of many events. Fortunately, I was helped by many schoolmates in my investigation in recent years. In particular, a student in then class 2 of senior high grade 2 lent me her notebook which recorded events from 1965 to the withdrawal of the work team in 1966. The contents are basically about the school matters, including speeches by school leaders and the work team. This notebook is very valuable. Later I will talk about many events, all of which are from this notebook.
主持人：工作组进校后，建立了新秩序。各班的团支部、班委会被废除，班主任靠边站，取而代之的是班核心小组。不知道核心小组怎样来的，同学们私下议论，我也说了“应该选举、不能自封”之类的话，成为后来我在班里被孤立被斗争的罪行之一。工作组——师生代表会——班核心小组，成为学校新的三级组织。
Host: After the work team came to the school, new order was established. The Youth League branch and class committee of each class were abolished. The head teacher stepped aside. All were replaced by a core group. My classmates talked in private: ‘the core group must be elected, not self-appointed’. I said the same, which later became one of my crimes to be isolated and denounced in class. The new three levels of organization thus were: work team – congress of teachers and students – class core group.
刘进：这种按部就班学习讨论的情况没有维持多久，6月17日，高三4班李黎黎等13个人贴出了大字报，题目是 “工作组把我们引向何方？”认为工作组开展运动的方式和《人民日报》社论的精神不一样，阻碍了运动。面对学生“为什么还不召开揭批校领导大会”的质问，工作组组长张世栋老师在当天的广播中说，“现在转入重点批判的条件还不成熟……仍要进行广泛的、普遍的揭发”，同时他检讨了自己有“怕乱”思想，“还不够放手”，表示欢迎继续提意见。
The orderly study and discussion didn’t last long. On June 17, Li Lili of class 4 of senior high grade 3 and other 16 students posted a big-character poster, in the title of ‘Where are the work team taking us to?’, claiming that the work team’s manner to conduct the movement was different from the spirit of the People’s Daily’s Editorial, thus blocking the movement. In front of students’s question ‘why not convene the general meeting to denounce the school’s leadership?’, the team leader Teacher Zhang Shidong said in a broadcast speech: ‘The condition for switching to emphasis criticism is not mature. We must continue the wide disclosure.’ In the meantime, he did self-criticism on his own thought of ‘being afraid of upheavals’, didn’t do enough to ‘let things go’, saying different opinions were welcome.
大字报贴出后，引起了全校各班的辩论，当晚学生自发聚在大操场宿舍楼的高台前辩论，我班同学梁二同上台支持了13人，说工作组压制了革命师生的积极性，把学校运动搞得很冷清。工作组希望同学们不要再辩论了，辩论非但没有停止，又出现了学生斗学生。一是批判围攻反工作组的少数派学生，二是斗争所谓出身不好、有问题的学生。譬如高二2班6月18日贴出一张大字报，点名12个同学，分别给带上各种“帽子”，羞辱、体罚她们。*
The big-character poster caused debate in all classes. At the same night, students got together spontaneously and debated on the playground in front of dormitory building. My classmate Liang Ertong stepped on to the platform and supported the 13 students, saying the work team suppressed the enthusiasm of the revolutionary teachers and students. and made the movement very cold and inactive. The work team hoped the students stop debating. But not only the debate did not stop, but also students started attacking one another. First, the anti-work team students, the minor group, were besieged. Secondly, the students with so-called poor family background and problematic, were denounced. For example, on June 18, a big-character poster was posted by class 2 of senior high grade 2, mentioned names of 12 students, giving them different labels, humiliating and physically punishing them.
*6月20日全校开会，我代表学生代表会讲话，讲了三点意见（抄自高二2班那位同学的笔记）：“1、要按照党的政策办事，不能过早下结论。2、反对在学生当中开斗争会。3、坚决不打、不骂、不围、不哄，坚决贯彻党的政策。” 张世栋老师做了补充，向全校提出了“边学、边议、边揭、边批”的要求，说现在不适宜把重点集中在某一个校领导身上，还需要广泛的揭发、批判和集中材料。6月21日上午，工作组在全校大会上做了进校18天的小结，提出“从今天开始转入重点揭发批判”，并安排当日下午召开揭发卞仲耘的大会。
At the school meeting on June 20, I made speech on behalf of the congress of student representatives, making three suggestions (from the notebook of that student of class 2 of senior high grade 2): ‘1. to handle affairs according to the Party’s policy, not reaching conclusion too early; 2. Oppose accusation among students; 3. Firmly no beating, cursing, besieging and disturbing, firmly implementing the Party’s policy. Teacher Zhang Shidong made it up, requesting us to ‘study, discussion, expose and criticism’, and saying that it is not proper to focus on a particular school leader, and it is necessary to expose, criticize and collect materials. In the morning of June 21, the work team made a summary of its being on campus for 18 days, putting forward ‘switch it emphasis exposure and criticism from today on’, and decided to call a general meeting to expose Bian Zhongyun.
6月21日下午两点半，第一次揭批会在大操场召开。当时卞校长一个人站在台上，副校长胡志涛（女）、刘致平，教导处主任汪玉冰（女）、副主任梅树民四个人站在台下。高三4班反工作组的13个人被单独安置在学生队伍后面，有学生持木枪站在她们身后。6月22日揭批会继续开，两次大会都有针对校领导的暴力行为发生，卞校长挨打最多.
At 2:30 in the afternoon on June 21, the first general meeting of exposure and criticism was called on the playground. At that time Principal Bian stood on the platform alone. Vice principals Hu Zhitao (female), Liu Zhiping, Wang Yubing (female), the dean, and Mei Shumin, the deputy dean, stood beside the platform. The 13 students from class 4 of senior high grade 3 were arranged to stand behind other students, being watched by students holding wood rifles in hand. The exposure and criticism meeting continued on June 22. Violence targeting the school leaders took place in both meetings. Principal Bian suffered most.
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叶维丽：在6月21日工作组主持召开的批斗会上，袁淑娥（女，大连工学院俄语教师，师大女附中英语教员丁某前妻）的表现引人注目。在这个会上卞校长被打得很厉害，这应该和袁淑娥的煽动有直接关系。卞仲耘后来给上级写信，详细地讲了当天挨打的情况。那时还有地方“伸冤”，信息的传递也是畅通的。8月初就不再是这个情况了。卞写的信邓小平看到了，在7月初接见工作组的时候还提到这封信。
Ye Weili: At the denouncement meeting on June 21, Yuan Shu’e’s behavior was very conspicuous. Yuan, female, a teacher of Russian at the College of Science and Technology of Dalian, and ex-wife of Mr. Ding who was a teacher of English at the High School for Girls. At the meeting, Principal Bian was beaten up severely, which should have been direct results of Yuan’s instigation. Later Bian wrote a letter to her superior, describing her being beaten up in detail. At that time one could appeal for justice somewhere, and information flowing was also unimpeded. But in early August the situation was totally different. Deng Xiaoping read Bian’s letter, and mentioned it when he received the work team in early July.
文化革命以前，卞主管党的工作，日常教学工作由胡志涛副校长主持，普通学生对卞不是很了解。袁淑娥起的作用就是把学生的注意力集中在卞身上，特别是集中到“生活作风”上，使大家在情绪上对她反感。
Before the cultural revolution, Bian was in charge of Party’s work, while Hu Zhitao was in charge of everyday’s activities of education. Ordinary students didn’t know Bian well. Yuan Shu’e’s intention was to attract students’s attention to Bian, particular her life style, to make people dislike her emotionally.
刘进：其实文革开始后不久，袁淑娥就经常来学校活动了。批斗会前她曾找过工作组要求参加大会，工作组不同意，可她还是带着儿子和母亲来冲了会场。她手里还拿着一张照片，粗看是卞校长和她前夫的一张合影，实际上是卞校长夫妇和袁淑娥夫妇四个人的合影，剪去两边的人，就成了卞、丁的合影。她拿这个当证据，说卞校长生活作风有问题，破坏了她的家庭，在台上哭诉，学生立即群情激愤，喊起了口号，场面一度失控。会场安排出身贫下中农家庭的学生拿着练体操的木枪押着校领导。袁一哭诉，这些学生就你一枪、我一枪把卞校长捅倒了，卞校长当时就发生了呕吐。袁的发言大概前后持续了一个多小时，其间一直有对校领导的过激行为。还有一位管过人事的老师发言也很有震撼力，之前她曾在校园贴过一张小字报，揭发卞校长是刘仁介绍入党的假党员。一个说卞有生活作风问题，一个说卞是假党员，好像两颗重磅炸弹，在学生中激起的愤怒可想而知。
Liu Jin: In fact, short time after the beginning of the cultural revolution, Yuan often came to campus and talked to people. Before the exposure and criticism meeting she talked to the work team, requesting to attend it. The work team refused. But she burst in with her son and mother. She had a photo in hand. It seemed one of Principal Bian and Yuan’s ex-husband. In fact it was one of four people, Bian and her husband, and Yuan and her husband. Yuan cut the two persons on both side. Only the two persons in the middle, Bian and Yuan’s husband, were left. She took the photo as evidence, saying Bian had affair out of marriage, destroyed her family. She was crying on the platform, which immediately incited the students. Slogans were being shouted. The situation was out of control for a while. Students from poor peasant families were arranged to watch Bian with wood rifles for gymnastic exercise. Once Yuan started to cry, these students pushed Bian down to the ground with the rifles. Principal Bian vomited on the spot. Yuan spoke more than one hour during which radical behavior against the school leader took place from time to time. Another teacher’s speech was rather shocking, too. She had been in charge of human resource. She had posted a small-character poster, saying Bian was a sham Party member recommended by Liu Ren. Yuan said Bian had an affair with her ex-husband, this teacher said Bian was a sham Party member. Like two heavy bombs, these two claims were inciting great angers among students.
面对突发的暴力行为，工作组进行了劝阻，指出“今后注意不用打她，因为揭发就可以打倒她”。高二2同学的笔记上，记着在会议快结束时，工作组宣布：“我们请示了上级，决定从现在起停她（卞仲耘）的职”。揭批会后，卞校长又回北京饭店开会，并向上级反映过有关情况。7月3日，她又分别给邓小平、李雪峰等领导写信，附文是关于袁淑娥破坏女附中文革的情况，希望上级派人调查、处理。袁淑娥此后一直在学生中间活动，包括学生去卞校长家贴大字报，都是她领的路，“八五”那天有人见到她也在场。
In front of the abrupt violence, the work team proceed to dissuade, pointing out ‘don’t beat her in the future, because exposure will knock her down.’ The notes by the student of senior high grade 2 says that the work team announced near the over of the meeting: ‘we have consulted our superiors, and decided to stop her work from now on.’After the meeting of exposure and criticism, Principal went to the Beijing Hotel again to attend meeting, and reported the events to higher authorities. On July 3, she wrote letters to Deng Xiaoping and Li Xuefeng, attaching a report about how Yuan Shu’e broke the cultural revolution of the High School, requesting the higher authorities send people to investigate and handle. Later Yuan always provoked students, including taking students to Bian’s house to post big-character poster. She was seen on site at the August 5 incident.
主持人：袁淑娥为什么这样恨卞校长，她们的关系很复杂吗？于羚，你曾帮助王晶垚先生整理过大量资料，也见过袁写的“万言书”，请给我们讲讲。
Why did Yuan Shu’e hate Principle Bian so much? Was their relationship complicated? Yu Ling, you helped Mr. Wang Jingyao to arrange a great amount of materials, and saw Yuan’s letter, too. Please tell us something about it.
于羚：袁淑娥是大连工学院的俄语老师，1959年与卞校长同住一所医院时相识。1963年女附中缺英语教师，袁的丈夫丁某当时在北京空军，也有转业到女附中的意愿，经卞校长介绍，学校领导讨论通过，丁某调入女附中教英语。这期间，袁、丁夫妇经常争吵，卞校长从中做过一些调解，袁、丁最终离了婚。袁多次向女附中领导提出要求，希望扣丁的工资补贴她的家用，卞校长认为应该按照法院判决书执行，没有答应她。于是，她开始向有关方面控告。1966年5月，她将上万言的揭发信，复写多份，给毛主席、团中央、北京师范大学党委等寄去。揭发信捏造事实、断章取义，把个人的所有怨恨都上纲上线到政治高度。
Yuan was a teacher of Russian at the Science and Technology College of Dalian. In 1959, she and Principal Bian made acquaintance when they stayed in the same hospital. Teachers of English were needed in the High School in 1963. Mr. Ding, Yuan’s husband, then with the air force in Beijing Beijing Normal University
文革开始后，袁淑娥的控告信转到工作组手上。工作组原本对卞校长的态度比较温和，认为批斗卞的材料还不够充分。后来，在6月21日、22日的批斗会上，工作组的态度有了转变，没有阻止袁上台哭诉、煽动学生的行为。胡志涛校长对袁淑娥参加学校的批斗会十分不满，为此还质问过工作组。她曾表示，卞仲耘尽管有这样那样的问题，但生活作风上没有问题。
After the beginning of the cultural revolution, Yuan’s letter of accusation was forwarded to the work team. Originally the work team’s attitude to Principal Bian was relative mild, thinking the materials for criticizing Bian was not sufficient. Later, on the criticism and denouncement meetings on June 21 and 22, the work team’s attitude changed. It didn’t prevent Yuan from going up to the platform to cry and charge, to incite the students. Principal was very resentful for Yuan attending the meeting. She questioned the work team for that, saying that Bian might have various problems, but not in life style.
1979年，袁淑娥被西城分局以挟嫌报复罪逮捕，后西城区检查院认为袁借文化大革命捏造事实、诽谤他人，已构成诽谤罪，但已过追诉时效，决定不予起诉。王晶垚先生不服，多方奔走申诉，同时也获得很多支持，但始终没有结果。
In 1979, Yuan Shu’e was arrested by police in Beijing for revenge. Later the prosecutor thought that Yuan fabricated facts, slandered other people, has committed the crime of slander, but it had been too long ago, and decided not to prosecute. Mr. Wang Jinggui refused to accept the judgment, tried his utmost to appeal, and was supported by many people, but didn’t get any result.
主持人：当时，全社会都处于丧失理智的疯狂中，任何人想挟私报复他人，只要他有“资格”，譬如红五类出身或符合别的什么流行要素，他就能得逞。
At the time, the whole society was mad by losing rationality, any one intending to revenge for personal reason, as long as he was qualified, such as having good family background or other current factors, he would be able to accomplish it.
刘进：几年前我在胡杰的电影里看见了贴在卞家的大字报，语言粗暴恶毒，画的不堪入目。我找同学了解情况，证实是袁领着学生去卞家干的。
A few years ago I saw the big-character poster posted on Bian’s house in Hu Jie’s movie. The language was rude and malicious, the pictures were dirty. I talked to students to investigate what happened, it is proved that Yuan took the students to Bian’s house and did it.
两天斗争会后学校恢复常态，继续维持着原来的运动节奏，写大字报揭批。6月27日，以我班同学梁二同为首的18人贴出了第二张反工作组的大字报，题目是“把无产阶级大革命进行到底”，内容涉及虽多，却不再具有轰动效应。她们多数时间不到学校，经常聚在一起讨论形势，或去海淀区的中学活动。梁的父亲在空军任职，支持她们的行动，因而她们更加坚定，不怕被孤立，觉得很光荣。18人全部是高中学生，有我班四、五个同学。7月初，她们成立了女附中最早的学生组织“红旗”。清华附中卜大华记得，在7月19日军训前，女附中“红旗”去过他们学校多次。
The school returned to normal after two days’meeting of criticism, continuing the original pace of movement with exposure and criticism by big-character posters. On June 27, 18 students, headed by my classmate Liang Ertong, posted second anti-work team big-character poster, titled ‘Carry the proletarian revolution to the end’， but didn’t get much response. They didn’t come to school most of the time, but often got together discussing the situation, or went to other high schools in Haidian District. Liang’s father was working for air force, and supported their activities. So they became for determined, were not afraid of isolation, and felt very honored. All the 18 girls were senior high students. Four or five were my classmates. In early July, they set up the earliest student organization in the High School for Girls, ‘Red Flag’. Bu Dahua of the High School attached to Qinghua University remembered that before the military training on July 19, the ;Red Flag’from the High School for Girls went to his school many times.
6•27大字报贴出后，工作组分别找参与的同学谈心，如果是干部之女或者军队干部之女，就通过组织找家长，让家长做女儿的工作。6月底，两个高一学生上交了蒯大富给她们的信，信里分析了形势，反复说如果工作组是不革命的、拖后腿的，革命左派就可以夺他们的权，把他们赶走。
After the big-character poster was posted on June 27, the work team talked to the authors. If they were from cadre or military official’s family, the work team would locate their parents through organization, and asked them to work on their children. At the end of June, two students for senior high grade 1 turned in a letter from Kuai Dafu. The letter analyzed the situation, saying time and again that if the work team was not reactionary, but obstructed the movement, the leftist revolutionary should take its power away, and drive it out.
主持人：海淀区以清华附中、北大附中为代表，反校领导的学生，后来又反工作组，一路造反下去，并有“理论建树”，一论再论三论什么的，思路很清晰，方向很明确。你们反了校领导却成为工作组的依靠对象，而工作组对校领导的态度起初是暧昧的，后来是犹豫不决的。你们回归“主流”，成为反工作组同学的对立面及多数派的代表，这种异常是否与邓小平的支持有关？请你们谈谈去邓家汇报的情况。
Host: In the Haidian District, headed by the High School attached to Qinghua University and High School attached to Beijing University
刘进：7月5日上午，工作组胡启立、张世栋带我和宋彬彬去中南海向邓小平汇报学校的运动情况，是在邓小平家里，在场的只有邓和夫人卓琳，主要由张世栋汇报，胡启立补充。
Liu Jin: In the morning of July 5, Hu Qili and Zhang Shidong of the work team took me and Song Binbin to ZhongNanHai to report to Deng Xiaoping about the movement. We were in Deng Xiaoping’s home, at present were Deng and his wife Zhuo Lin. The main reporter was Zhang Shidong. Hu Qili complimented.
主持人：为什么要带你们两个学生而不是别人去邓家汇报？
Host: Why did they take you two but not other student to see Deng?
刘进：是邓点的名。由于工作关系，他和我们的父母很熟。那天邓一看见我，就对我说：“刘仰峤是个好同志。”6月初高教部部长蒋南翔停职后，由我父亲主持工作，一周后的6月15日，父亲也成为黑帮被停职了。因此，邓的这句话让我特别激动，胡启立、张世栋他们怎样开始汇报的，我都没有听进去。给我印象最深的是邓的两次插话，一次是张汇报6月21日揭批会袁淑娥冲会场的情况，邓小平问这是什么人，张说是外校的一个老师，没通知她，她自己来的，邓说这是个坏人。另一次是张汇报到17日、27日两次反工作组的情况时，邓说应该组织辩论。我和宋彬彬很不解，说同学们对这个已经不感兴趣了，反正那些同学也不常来学校，呆在学校的都是拥护工作组的学生。邓说辩论是有意义的，可以让大家懂得道理，受到教育，缺席辩论也可以。邓还讲了在学生中间是分左、中、右的，运动后期都要排队。
Liu Jin: Deng selected us. Due to work relations, Deng knew my parents well. That day the moment Deng saw me, he said: ‘Liu Yangqiao is a good comrade.’Jiang Nanxiang, the minister of higher education, was suspended in early June. My father was suspended a week later, on June 15. Therefore, I was very excited to hear Deng’s comment on my father, so didn’t hear how Hu Qili and Zhong Shidong started the report. I was most impressed by Deng’s two interruptions. The first time was when Zhang reported about Yuan Shu’e rushing into the meeting place at the exposure and criticism meeting. Deng asked what this person was. Zhang said it was a teacher from another school. She came to the meeting without being notified. Deng said it was a malefactor. The second time was when Zhang was talking about the opposing the work team on 17th an 27th. Deng said it was good to organize the debate. Song Binbin and I didn’t understand, saying students were not interested in to at all. Those opposing the work team didn’t rarely come to school. Those coming to school were all supporting the work team. Deng said that the debate made sense. It could educate people. Debate without attendance was allowed. Deng said there was leftist, middle, and rightist among the students, which must be aligned at the late stage of the movement.
最后，邓小平讲了三条，第一条是不允许在学生中成立党团以外的组织。那会儿海淀区中学已经有了红卫兵这种学生组织，处于地下状态。邓强调一定要由党、团组织来取代类似红卫兵这样的非法学生组织，要把学校里学习好、思想好，有威望和组织能力强的学生，吸引到团委或学生会里面，让他们（非法学生组织）没有领头人，没有市场，他们就闹不起来。第二条是要尽快恢复党组织的正常工作，要依靠学校的党组织，不能离开党组织。第三条讲的是女附中的教师情况，说老师是有真本事的，要尽快解放他们，让他们出来工作。还说到王明夏、张玉寿（均为该校特级数学教员）这些老师非常优秀。
At last, Deng Xiaoping gave three directions. The first one was that students are not allowed to set up organizations outside of the Party and Youth League. At that time, student organizations such as red guards had already appeared in the Haidian District, underground though. Deng emphasized that the illegal student organizations such as red guards had to be replaced by Party and Youth League organizations. It was necessary to attract students with good grades, thinking to Youth League or student association, to strip the leaders off the illegal student organizations. Those would not able to disturb without market. Secondly, it was necessary for Party organization to resume work, and rely on the school’s Party organization. The third topic was about the teachers of the High School. He said it was necessary to liberate teachers who had genuine knowledge, and let them work. He mentioned Wang Mingxia, Zhang Yushou, both being expert-class math teachers, were excellent teachers.
宋彬彬：邓小平还说了一条，对于学校的走资派批一两个就可以了，不要牵扯的面太广。他说要不然欠下的债太多，我们还不起。由于张世栋他们汇报了卞仲耘、胡志涛等有些什么问题，所以他就说一、两个为首的批一批就可以了，其它的就不要再批了。后来他又说到老师们都是好的，说哪里有那么多修正主义呀？若有那么多，我们十七年的人才是如何培养出来的？！毛主席的女儿不也是女附中培养的嘛！难道都是坏老师教的？
Song Binbin: Deng Xiaoping also said that we should only criticize one or two capitalist-roaders at school, but not too many. He said that otherwise we would own too much debt, and be not able to pay back. As Zhang Shidong reported to him about Bian Zhongyun and Hu Zhitao’s problems, he said that it was enough to criticize one or two people on the top, and not criticize the others. Later he said that teachers were all good. He said where so much revisionism came from? If there were so much, how could we have trained so many professional people during the 17 years? Chairman Mao’s daughter was trained in the High School for Girls. Was she trained by bad teachers?
原来听说文化大革命半年就要结束，听了邓的讲话觉得他想尽快结束。
It had been said that the cultural revolution would be over in half a year. Deng’s speech made one feel that he like it to be over as soon as possible.
叶维丽：实际上，师大女附中是邓小平的一个点，师大一附中是刘少奇的一个点，他们通过两所中学了解运动情况。刘邓领导文革的方式可以说是四清加反右，整干部用给干部分类的四清的办法，卞仲耘就给定成“四类干部”；整“反动学生”用反右的办法，那些“反工作组”的学生就面临可能成为“右派学生”的下场。
Ye Weili: In fact, the High School for Girls was an ovservation spot for Deng Xiaoping, and the First High School attached Beijing Normal University
刘进：7月5日下午，张世栋召开全校大会，动员和部署大辩论，主题是“运动要不要工作组的领导”，7月6日准备，7月7日、8日、9日三个半天开辩论会，可以“缺席辩论”。辩论对象主要是李黎黎、梁二同、王南芬等人。梁二同不到学校，没有参加辩论。
Liu Jin: In the afternoon of July 5, Zhang Shidong hosted a general meeting, mobilizing and arranging a debate, with the subject being ‘Whether the work team’s leadership is in need for the movement’. The preparation was on July 6. A half day of each July 7, 8 and 9 was for debate. Debate on absence was allowed. The targets of debate were Li Lili, Liang Ertong, Wang Nanfen and others. Liang Ertong didn’t come to school, thus was absent from the debate.
主持人：记得当时上升到了“反夺权”的高度。我原本在班里很不起眼，也没有反工作组，可是7月15日那天突然被揪出来揭发批判。我的主要问题是，想夺权（说了核心小组是自封的）、仇视干部子弟（背后议论说过坏话）、仇视党的阶级路线。运动积极分子还可“火线入团”。看样子都是工作组执行邓小平指示的具体行动。
Host: I remember the topic was lifted to the level of ‘opposing usurping power’. I was an insignificant person in the class, and was not opposed the work team, but was suddenly exposed and criticized on July 15. I was accused of intending to usurp the power as I had said the core group was self-appointed, and of hating cadres’s children as I talked about them behind their back, of hating the Party’s class line. Activists of the movement could ‘join the Youth League in battle’. All these were the work team’s actions to implement Deng’s directions.
刘进：连续三次辩论会后，学校开始部署下一个任务：老师集训和学生军训。把大多数学生集中起来赴邢台军训，把全体老师集中起来在“马神庙小学”集训，同时还把不符合军训条件的少数“有问题”的学生送到郊区劳动。然后就准备复课了。胡校长在《“八五”祭》中写了集训的情况：“7月20日左右，工作组把校领导和全体教职员弄到白堆子马神庙小学集中学习，不许回家。由学生代表主持会议，让每人准备‘洗澡、下楼’，实际是人人过关。”7月28日集训结束，7月29日集训人员返回学校。
Liu Jin: After the three successive meetings of debate, the school started to arrange next task: group training of teacher and military training of students. Most of the students were sent to Xingtai for military training. All the teachers were put together for training at the Mashenmiao Elementary School
叶维丽：当时是“兵分三路”：少数骨干学生参与在马神庙对教师的集训，少数“有问题”的学生去郊区劳动，大部分学生去邢台军训。军训是突然结束的，为庆祝八一建军节开的联欢会临时改成了欢送会。军训期间受的是“正面教育”，班长关心学生，没有人因为出身问题受歧视。突然结束军训，说走就走，同学们都很惊讶，有的人还哭了。
Ye Weili: At that time students were divided into three groups. A small group of backbone students took part in the teacher training at Mashenmiao. A small of problematic students went to the suburb for physical labor. Most students went to Xingtao for military training. The training came to an end suddenly. The party to celebrate the Army’s Day on August 1 was changed to seeing-off party. We received ‘positive education’during the military training. Squad leader cared students. No one was discriminated against due to family background. The military was suddenly over. We had to leave immediately. Students were all surprised, and some were crying.
刘进：带队军训的工作组副组长王润芝老师也很惊讶，她说是7月31日突然通知回北京的，连她都不知道发生了什么事。学生代表会副主席尹斐也去军训了，在回北京的火车上，她想不出北京到底发生了什么事，心里惴惴不安。军训的大队伍8月1日回到北京，王润芝老师领着学生从火车站走回学校，一看校门口、校园里，到处乱七八糟贴着对联，王老师完全懵了，不知道怎么回事。
Liu Jin: Teacher Wang Runzhi, vice leader of the work team who took the students to training, was surprised, too. She didn’t know what happened in Beijing. Yin Pei Beijing Beijing
叶维丽：我们是从永定门火车站走回学校的，当年这么走路很平常。到了学校一看，我们离开还不到十天，整个校园面目皆非了。大字报主要是鼓吹对联的，“老子英雄儿好汉”，对联给人的冲击太大了。和工作组有关的大字报似乎并不多。从火车站一回到学校，就有人向我们宣布工作组撤消的消息，我记忆中有工作组王老师满脸错愕的表情。对联加上撤工作组的消息真把人给震懵了。
Ye Weili: We walked back to school from Yongdingmen Railway Station. In those years, it was normal to walk in this way. Upon arriving at school, the school was entirely different after we were away from it for 10 days. Most big-character posters supported the couplet ‘Like father, like son’. The couplet shocked people a lot. Posters concerning the work team seemed very few. Immediately arriving school from the railway station, we were told that the work team would leave. I remember the teacher Wang’s surprising facial expression. We were totally shocked by the couplet plus work team’s leaving.
主持人：我们“坏学生”下乡劳动比军训的大队人马回来得早。学校的气氛已经有些恐怖和惊悚了，这是我的感觉，因为心虚。当时宿舍楼大门口贴的对联（老子英雄儿好汉 / 老子反动儿混蛋 / 横批：历来如此）特别醒目，看一眼就心跳半天。大字报也是“自来红们站起来”之类，宿舍楼还贴了一长溜谭力夫的讲话，通篇是讲解那个对联，我一直以为对联是他发明的，后来看印红标的书，才知道最早出于北大附中红旗战斗小组。
Host: We ‘bad students’ who went to countryside to work returned to school earlier than those went for military training. There was atmosphere of terror at school. This was my feeling, as I was afraid. At the time, the couplet ‘Like father, like son, summary: always being so.’was posted on the door of the dormitory building, looking extremely striking. My heartbeat speeded up whenever looking at it. The big-character posters were the type of ‘born-red children stand up’. Tan Lifu’s speech explaining the couplet was posted on the dormitory building. I used to believe he was the original author of the couplet, but later realized that the earliest version was from the ‘Red Flag Group’ of the High School attached Beijing University, by Yin Changbiao.
叶维丽：从毛泽东的部署来看，对联的出现大概给他搅了局，我想他的本意是想将火力集中在上层刘邓等人的路线上。但对联在学生群体中，特别是中学生中产生的影响怎么估计也不过分。它不但动员了出身“红五类”（即革命干部、革命军人、革命烈士、工人和贫下中农）家庭的人，让他们觉得自己是当仁不让的革命后代，“天下者我们的天下”，导致了一些人在后来的肆无忌惮、为所欲为，并且严重地分化了学生群体，让大多数非“红五类”的人噤口，而出身“黑五类”（即地主、富农、反革命、坏分子、右派）家庭的同学更是人人自危。这样一种状况对理解“八五”当天不同“身份”学生的表现至为重要。
Ye Weili: In perspective of Mao Zedong’s arrangement, the appearance of the couplet might have disturbed his plan. I think his real intention was to focus attacks on the line of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping. But the couplet’s impact on the student group, in particular the high school students, was too great to be underestimated. Not only it mobilized the students with family background of‘five red groups’ which are revolutionary cadre, revolutionary military man, revolutionary martyr, worker and poor peasant. The couplet made them feel that they were by birth later revolutionary generation. Everything under sky is ours, which led some people later to do whatever they wanted, seriously dividing the student group, which silence people of non-red five classes. On the other hand, the students from family backgrounds of‘five black groups’which were landowners, rich peasants, anti-revolutionaries, malefactors, ultra-rightists,
刘进：在军训同学回来之前，开了两个大会。7月29日在人大会堂召开撤工作组的大会，毛主席一出来，掌声雷动。刘邓说老革命遇见新问题就是那一次。究竟发生了什么？谁都弄不清楚。毛主席说工作组是消防队，压制群众起来革命，派工作组是方向路线的错误。7月30日下午，工作组召开校会，把7月29日的领导讲话录音放了一遍，随后就宣布工作组撤出师大女附中，让学生自己解放自己，自己起来革命。
Liu Jin: Two meetings were called before students returned from the military training. On July 29 the work team withdrawal meeting was called in the People’s Meeting Hall. Once Chairman Mao appeared, applauses were thundering. At that meeting Liu and Deng said that senior revolutionaries encountered new problems. Mao said that the work team is fire fighters, suppressing the mass to revolve. Sending work team was a mistake of direction. In the afternoon of July 30, the work team called a school meeting. Tape of the leaders’speeches were played, then work team’s withdrawal for the High School for Girls was announced. The students would be allowed the liberate themselves, and conduct revolution by themselves, too.
主持人：学校三级组织的最高一级——工作组因方向路线错误被撤消了，师生代表会因此也失去了继续存在的合法性。看来学校再次产生了“权力真空”，这是最危险的时期。
Host: The work team, the highest level leadership at school, was away due to the mistake of direction. The congress of teachers and students therefore lost the rationality of survival. The school again came to a time power vacuum. This is the most dangerous period of time.
2、 后工作组时期
2. Post-work team period
主持人：从工作组撤走到“八五”之前这个礼拜，对联出现，让血统论登峰造极，成为最瞩目的事。学生分成了“红五类”和“黑五类”，处于两者之间的，也没什么光彩。还有什么事发生？
Host: During the week after the work team withdrawal to August 5, the appearance of the couplet made the theory of bloodline absolutely dominant. Students were divided into ‘red five groups’and black five groups’. The students in between were not feeling good, either. Did anything else take place?
刘进： 7月31日，学校贴出来一张成立“毛泽东主义红卫兵”的大字报，前身是“红旗”。因为她们坚决反对工作组，成为学生中的革命左派。
Lin Jin: On July 31, a big-character poster was posted announcing the establishment of Maoiest Red Guards. It had been ‘Red Flag’. They became the revolutionary leftists, as they firmly opposed the work team.
当时校园里除了对联还有批判工作组的大字报。工作组撤走才两三天，就有学生跑到团中央去揪斗工作组的张世栋、马娴华，把他们押回学校关了十几天，要求他们揭发问题。据王润芝老师回忆，8月5日当天，还有学生对张世栋和马娴华说：“不老实交待，卞仲耘就是你们的下场！”也有现场目击的同学证实，揪斗校领导的过程中，张世栋也被勒令旁观，说你不老实交待，也是这个下场。
At that time on campus beside the couplet there were also big-character posters against the work team. Some students went to the central committee of the Youth League two or three days after the work team left, and took Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua to school, and locked them up for more than 10 days, asking the to expose problems. According Teacher Wang Runzhi’s recall, on August 5, some students said to Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua: you’d better truly confess, or will follow Bian Zhongyun.’Some students witnessed that during the seizing and struggling meeting for the school leadership, Zhang Shidong was ordered to watch, and was told that if not honestly confessing, his end would be the same. :
主持人：我班也有同学证实，在“八五”现场张世栋、马娴华受到威吓。
“毛泽东主义红卫兵”的成立宣言，我亲眼看到，红纸黑字，很显眼，贴在大食堂旁边的板报栏上，题目就叫“毛泽东主义红卫兵成立宣言”，不仅纲领明确，还有几条组织原则，强调坚持党的“有成分论、但不唯成分，重在阶级表现”的路线，非红五类家庭出身只要表现好，也可以申请加入。在对联的气势压倒一切时，我对这个印象特别深，心里有瞬间一热的感觉。当时校园里比较冷清，大批去军训的同学还没回来。
Host: My classmates also proved that on the scene of August 5 incident, Zhang Shidong and Ma Xianhua were threatened. I witnessed that the establishment announcement of Maoist Red Guards, black letters on red paper, rather eye-catching, was posted on the bulletin board beside the dining hall. Its title was ‘the establishment announcement of Maoist red guards. Its guide principles were explicit, had several policies for organization, emphasizing the Party’s ‘looking at background, but not looking at it only, stressing the class presence.’. People of non-five-red-groups could apply as long as behaving well. At the time when the couplet ‘like father, like son’was so overwhelming, I was deeply impressed by this announcement, and had a warm feeling at heart. At the time the campus was unfrequented, as most students had not come back from the military training.
刘进：工作组撤走后，多数学生还是习惯性地每天来学校，看大字报、写大字报、抄大字报，主要内容是批判工作组的错误和辩论对联。各班在辩论对联的过程中，出身不好的同学已经失去了话语权。也有不少同学想来就来，不来就到别的学校去串联。
Liu Jin: After the withdrawal of the work team, most students habitually came to school, reading, writing and copying big-character posters whose main contents including criticizing the mistakes of the work team and debating the couplet. In the process of debating on the couplet in each class, students with poor family background had lost the right of speech. Some students only came when they wanted to, and went to other school to establish ties if they didn’t like coming to school.
主持人：失去话语权的不仅仅是出身不好的同学，而是除了“红五类”以外的大多数。班里的核心小组——最基层的权力单位并没散伙，因为她们都是红五类，对联让她们增强了自信心和凝聚力。别的班不了解，我班还保持一定的秩序，8月4号核心小组通知，第二天必须全体到校开班会。我以为又要斗争我呢，5号就躲在家里没去学校。午后两个出身“红五类”的同学到家里找我，问我为什么逃学？我假装头疼，后来跟着她们去了学校。那天上午我们班在“辩论”对联的班会上，不少同学因为家庭出身受到了羞辱。
Host: Losing right of speech were not only those students with poor family background, but also most who were non-red five groups. The core group in my class, the lowest-level of authorities, did not disband, because they were from families of five red groups, and the couplet strengthened self-confidence and cohesion. Not knowing the situation in other classes, I knew that order was still maintained in my class. The core group notified on August 4 that every one had to come the next for a class meeting. I thought they would criticize me again, so didn’t go to school on August 5. In the afternoon two classmates with good family background came to my house, asking why I played truant. I pretended a headache, but later followed them to school. In that morning, the couplet was debated in class. Many students were humiliated due to their poor family backgrounds.
叶维丽：冯敬兰关于核心小组的提醒很重要。她在这个问题上很敏感，因为作为“有问题”的学生，她直接感到它的权威。班核心小组不像校一级的师生代表会，不是工作组直接建立的。66年7月底工作组突然撤离后，班核心小组没有受影响，反倒因为“对联”而鼓了气；又因为校级师生代表会有些“吃瘪”，更在事实上加强了班核心小组的权威。当时许多班级以辩论对联为名斗出身不好的同学，恐怕都与核心小组有关。8月5号高一3班斗校领导的动议，不知核心小组起了什么作用？
Ye Weili: Feng Jinglan’s reminder about the core group is very important. She is quite sensitive on this issue, because as a ‘problematic’student, she felt its power directly. The core group of class was not like the congress of teachers and students at the school level, and was not set up by the work team. After the abrupt withdrawal of the work team in late July, the class core group was not affected. On the contrary, it was encouraged by the couplet. As the congress of teachers and students was losing power, the authorities of class core group was strengthened. At the time, that many classes criticized and denounced students of poor family background was initiated by the class core groups. Class 3 of senior high grade 1 proposed to criticize and denounce the school leadership. Did the class core group play any role in it?
刘进：因为我们不在班里，不了解各班的具体情况。我和宋彬彬每天还在学校，总被一些同学围着问下一步怎么办。到底怎么办？我也不知道。我想不通为什么满腔热情地投身革命，却犯下方向、路线的错误，很迷惘。犯了错误跌倒了，可以爬起来再干，但是方向在哪里？具体干什么？无所适从。学生代表会的人，当时的态度已不一样。
Liu Jin: Because not in class, we didn’t know the circumstance of each class. Song Binbin and I were at school every day, always being surrounded by some students asking what to do next. What to do next? I didn’t know. I didn’t understand why I threw myself into the revolution, but made mistakes of direction and line. I was feeling perplexed. After making mistakes and falling down, one could stand up and work again. But what was the direction? What things to do? I had no idea. The people of the congress of teachers and students had changed their attitudes at that time.
胡校长在《“八五”祭》里写到8月4日下午学生打老师的行为，当时我一点也没听说。她在文章中说，几个校领导正集中在办公室学习，突然闯进来七、八个学生，骂骂咧咧，“有的拿棍，有的拿皮带，狠狠地抽打我们……”晚上，她爱人（在教育部工作）看到她身上的伤痕说：“你们学校怎么这样乱？！”她说：“工作组走了，没有人管，有什么办法？！”“明天你暂时不去学校。”“我是校长，不去学校怎么行？”但是，胡校长直到去世也没有公开说出那七、八个学生的名字。卞校长回家后的情况也有一些文字记载。总之，她们都觉得生命已没有保障了。
In her ‘In memory of August 5, Principal Hu describes the students beating up teachers on August 4. I didn’t hear anything at that time. Principal wrote that when the school leaders were studying in the office, seven to eight students suddenly dashed in, foul-mouthing, ‘some were carrying sticks, some belts, ruthlessly whipped us.’In the evening, her husband, then working at the ministry of education, saw the bruises on her body, asked: ‘How come your school is in such a disorder?’Hu answered: ‘The work team is gone. No one is managing. What can be done?’’Please don’t go to school tomorrow.’’I am the principal. It is no good that I don’t go to school.’On the other hand, In her life time, Principal Hu never give the names of those seven or eight students. There is written account on the circumstances after Principal Bian went home that day. In general, they all felt that life was in danger.
主持人：这几天学校里发生的主要变化，一是“主义兵“成立，二是血统论造成学生中深刻的分裂，三是无政府状态下校领导面临的危险迫近。
Host: Several changes took place during those days on campus. The first one was the establishment of the Maoist Red Guards. The second change was the bloodline theory profoundly split the students. The third one was under anarchy the leadership was facing dangers.
