China's Great Wall of Silence: "Remembrance," The Translation. Song Binbin

6. On Song Binbin

主持人：上网查找“宋彬彬”，内容虽然五花八门，但是指向基本一致，就是欠了七八条人命。千家驹《自撰年谱》称：“宋彬彬和人比赛，哪一个红卫兵打死了六个人，她为了胜过那个人，就打死了八个人”。我相信，当年在校的老三届1600多名学生，不论对她有什么看法，绝大多数人看了这一条都会发笑。所以，在这个访谈的最后，要请宋彬彬讲讲关于她自己的事。请先说说“宋要武”的来历。

Host: Searching ‘Song Binbin’ on the Internet, one gets very different results. But all of them have one theme: Song killed seven or eight people. Qian Jia-ju says in his : Song Binbin competed killing people with others. A red guard killed six. In order to win the competition, Song killed eight’. I believe all the 1600 students in the High School at that time would laugh at this statement, no matter what opinion she had towards Song. So I would invite Song talk about herself, starting from the name of  Song Yaowu’.

宋彬彬： 我班同学记得，8·18下午回到学校后很多人过来跟我握手，还有人开玩笑：“彬彬，你以后就改名叫要武吧！”我说那是毛主席说的，我不配。

当天下午，《光明日报》一位男记者到学校来采访我，他问毛接见我的情况，我就把那两句话讲了，再多也没有了。他让我写下来，我不写，说就这么两句话有什么好写的。后来我还和几个同学说起记者约稿的事，她们也说就这两句话有啥可写的？不写。

Song: My classmates may remember that after we returned to school on August 18, many people came to shake hands with me. Some said to me: ‘Binbin, you’d better change your name to “yaowu”’.  I said that was what Chairman Mao said, but I didn’t deserve it.  That afternoon, a man journalist from the Guangming Daily came to school and interviewed me.  He asked me the situation when seeing Chairman Mao. I told him about the dialogue of the two sentences. He asked me to write it down. I didn’t write, saying that it was not necessary to write just two sentences. I denied. Later I talked to some schoolmates about the journalist’s request. They all agreed to not writing.

可是没想到，8月20日《光明日报》发表了一篇文章，题目是“我给毛主席戴上红袖章”，署名宋要武括号宋彬彬。当时我看到那篇文章非常生气，对班里同学说，别说宋要武，现在连宋彬彬这个名字我也不想要了。毛主席和我的简单对话，我班同学没有人认为那是毛要我改名，40多年来同学们没有一个人喊过我宋要武。

However, I never expected that on August 20, the Guangming Daily published an article in the title of “I put red armband to Chairman Mao’. The author was Song Yaowu (Song Binbin).  I was very angry when reading this article, and told classmates that I wanted to take neither Song Yaowu nor Song Binbin. My classmates didn’t think that Mao requested me to change name in that simple dialogue. And no classmate has ever called me Song Yaowu in last 40 years since then.

后来我一直想找到那个记者，希望他能站出来，说句公道话。先后找过相关的人，都说那个时候不实行实名制，不知道谁写的。

Later I always intended to find that reporter, hoping he would come out and do me justice. I have talked to relevant people, but was told that reporters didn’t sign true names at that time, therefore there was no way to find him.

主持人：我看过有人写的文章，说师大女附中也改名“红色要武中学”了，很可笑。当时我看见红纸黑字“红色要武中学”贴在校牌上，16岁的我心里一直在冷笑。当年在校的老师学生谁能接受这个名字？它比师大女附中好听吗？没过几天红纸就被扯干净了。

Host: I read an article, saying the School for Girls had changed the name to ‘Red Yaowu High School’. It is funny. At that time I saw the sign of ‘Red Yaowu High School’, feeling bad at heart. I was 16 then.  No teacher or student could accept this name. Is it better than the High School for Girls? The sign was torn off after a few days.

 宋彬彬：8月21日《人民日报》转载了《光明日报》那篇文章，立刻就在全国传开了，我是百口难辩，再说什么都没人信了。后来经常有外边的人来学校看我，看到我都很失望：“你怎么是这样啊？一点儿不是我们想象中的样子。

Song: On August 21, the article was reproduced by People’s Daily, and spread over the whole nation immediately. I was not able to clear things out. Nobody would believe the truth that I would tell. Later many people from other places came to see me, and they were disappointed when seeing me.  They said: how come you look like this?  You are not like what we liked to see.   

8月19日我和刘进宣布退出“筹委会”以后，基本上就退出了学校的运动，成了逍遥派。我们班保工作组的人都成了逍遥派，我们成立了一个小组叫“中流击水”，有人说我们是“中午击水”，因为每天中午我们都到八一湖去游泳。当时名字的问题给我很大烦恼，我说，我不叫宋要武，也不能叫宋彬彬了，我们小组的同学说这么办吧，咱们翻字典，翻到哪儿算哪儿。一个同学拿来一本字典，随便翻了一页，手指“岩”字，我觉得可以，就在那个时候改名叫宋岩，以后插队、工作都是叫宋岩。

After Liu Jin and I announced to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19, I basically withdrew from the school’s movement, becoming a free person. All my classmates defending the work team became free people. We established a group called ‘hitting the water in the middle of the river’.  Some people called us ‘hitting the water in the middle of day’, as we went swimming in the lake every noon. My name upset me a lot. I didn’t like Song Yaowu, but could not return to Song Binbin, either. People in my group proposed that we would browse a dictionary, and randomly pick a character. A classmate brought a dictionary, randomly went to a page, and pointed to a character with her finger. Her finger was on the character ‘Yan2’(rock).  I felt it OK, and changed my name to Song Yan.  After that I used Song Yan in the countryside and work. 

于羚：当时我们学校来的信都在门房（传达室）里，有个大纸盒子，学生都去那儿找信。我是住校生，父母都调外地工作了，我的家信比较多，总跑去看信。给我印象特别深的是，“八一八”过后，传达室大纸盒子里的信骤增，铺天盖地的都是“宋要武收”。 当时我就认为这个名字是强加给宋彬彬的，我不认为宋彬彬愿意改这个名字，那时我并不认识她。现在看来，所谓改名的始作俑者，就是《光明日报》记者，他的那篇文章将“宋要武”凝固成一个符号，但“宋要武”从来就不是宋彬彬。

Yu Ling: At the time, all incoming letters to the school were in the reception room. There was a big box. Students always looked for their letters in it. I was a boarding student, as my parents had been transferred to another city.  Receiving more letters, I often went to collect them. I was deeply impressed that after August 18, incoming letters in the big box suddenly increased. All of them were addressed to Song Yaowu. At that time I didn’t know her in person. Now it is clear that the name change was started by the reporter of Guangming Daily. His article symbolized ‘Song Yaowu.  But this ‘Song Yaowu’has never been Song Binbin.   

主持人：高三1班刘沂伦也说拆看过不少信，多得根本看不完，也没多大意思。信的内容基本上是两类，一类是向“宋要武”表示致敬、学习，决心“把无产阶级文化大革命进行到底”，一类是向“宋要武”汇报他们那里文化大革命如何遇到挫折了，走资派或保皇派如何压制造反派了，希望“宋要武”能去支持他们。有一封信是从武汉一个学校寄来的，信中说，“宋要武”在武汉发表言论支持保皇派，保湖北省委，“我们革命造反派感到非常失望和愤怒”，希望她悬崖勒马。由此刘沂伦知道宋彬彬到武汉去了一趟，在武汉做了“保皇派”。

宋彬彬，除了8·18上天安门戴袖章的事，很多人对你的武汉之行有深刻记忆，网上也有各种传说，下面请你谈谈为什么去武汉，在那里做了什么？

Host: Liu Yilun at class 1 of senior high grade 3 also opened many letters, too many to read. The letters were mostly meaningless, and could belong to two categories. One was to pay respect to Song Yaowu, learn from her, and was determined to carry the cultural revolution to the end. The other type was to tell her that the cultural revolution was subdued, the capitalist-roaders suppressed the rebel faction, and hoped that Song could come and support them. A letter from a school in Wuhan said that Song Yaowu supported royalists and defended the Hubei Provincial Committee, ‘We revolutionary rebel faction are feeling very disappointed and angry,’and hoping she will act in the nick of time. Therefore, Liu Yilun knew that Song had a trip to Wuhan, and defended the provincial committee there. Song Binbin, besides the event of August 18, many people deeply remember your trip to Wuhan. There are various legends on the Internet. Please tell us why you went to Wuhan, and what you did over there?      

叶维丽：我插一句，因为湖北这事有一个署名传单，白纸黑字，在我们低年级学生印象中，觉得你用过宋要武这个名字，至少在我印象里是这样。第一次刘进介绍我跟你面谈时，我一上来就对你说：“你在卡玛的电影里说，从来没用过‘宋要武’这个名字，把话说满了。”理由就是我当年的那个印象。当时你很不愿意谈去湖北的事，也就没有谈。这个事情我觉得到了应该澄清的时候了。

Ye Weili: I beg to interpose. You signed the name of Song Yaowu in a pamphlet published in Hubei. So we thought you used this name. At our first meeting connected by Liu Jin, I said to you: “You said in Karma’s movie that you never used the name of ‘Song Yaowu.’ That statement was not completely true.” The reason comes exactly from your trip to Wuhan. At that time you didn’t like to talk about that trip, and I didn’t insist. I am feeling that it is time now for you talk about it.

宋彬彬：2007年12月25日圣诞节那天，我参加班里十几个同学的一个聚会，有同学提到了这件事，并回忆起我当年说过的话，大家鼓励我写出当年的经过。关于去武汉这件事，我一直不想说，担心伤害到别人。我班一个同学曾在湖北黄石工作，她说当地很多人因为我支持了保守派，都特别恨我。我想我已经被骂了，骂多骂少都一样，反正我就是不愿意讲武汉的事。

Song Binbin: On December 25, 2007, I attended a party with more than 10 classmates. Someone mentioned this trip, and recalled what I said then.  They encouraged me to write my experience with it. I didn’t like to talk about the trip to Wuhan, in order not to hurt other people. One of my classmates worked in Hubei. She said that many people there hated me. I was scolded many times, but still was not willing to talk about the Wuhan trip.

事情是这样的，湖北省委书记王任重文革初期是中央文革小组成员，他找我和刘进去钓鱼台，动员我们两个到武汉去，时间是“八一八”之后。因为家长之间的关系，王任重认得我们俩。他还找了清华附中骆小海、卜大华等比较有名、有影响的学生，想动员我们到湖北去保省委。

Now I will talk my trip to Hubei. Wang Renzhong, Hubei’s provincial Party secretary, was a member of the cultural revolution group of the central committee in early cultural revolution. He invited Liu Jin and I to Diao Yu Tai, and asked us to go to Wuhan. The time was after August 18. Due to the relationship between parents, Wang Renzhong knew two of us. He also invited Luo Xiaohai, Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University. He invited all of us to Hubei, to defend the provincial committee.

刘进：王任重说湖北省委是革命的，现在有人反对省委，这件事可能是有什么背景的。他当时背了一段毛主席语录，然后就问咱们怎么办？你马上说，那不行啊，不能让他们反对省委。王任重说：“那你们能不能去一趟武汉？”我说不是让自己解放自己吗？怎么还让我们去呀？我当时是脱口而出，没有多想什么，就觉得和“自己解放自己”的精神不一样，干嘛让我们去呀，湖北还有湖北人呢！然后王任重就问你：“彬彬，那你呢？”你说你可以去。

Liu Jin: Wang Renzhong said that the Hubei Provincial Committee was revolutionary. But some people were opposed to it, which might have a background. He recited a quotation from Chairman, and asked us what to do?  You said immediately that you were not allowed to oppose the provincial committee. Wang Renzhong said: ‘Can you go to Wuhan?’I said: ‘Are people encouraged to liberate themselves? Why are we asked to go? I blurted out the words, and didn’t think much, but felt it was not in the spirit of ‘liberating selves’. ‘Why do we have to go? Are there people in Hubei?’Then Wang Renzhong asked you: ‘Binbin, what about you?’ You said you could go.   

宋彬彬：我答应去武汉，是基于对王任重的信任。抗战时期他是我父亲的老部下，在大灾荒中他俩还同拉一个犁杖耕过地，父亲曾经说过王任重是冀南军区四大才子之一。实际上去武汉的许多细节我都记不清了，是在近年调查中，渐渐串起来的记忆碎片。

Song Binbin: I agreed to go to Wuhan, because I trusted Wang Renzhong. He was my father’s long-time subordinate during the war against Japan. He and my father pulled same plow during the great hunger. My father praised Wang as one of four talents in his army.  In fact I don’t remember many details in Wuhan, but pieces of memory were recalled in the investigation in recent years.

我是1966年9月初去的武汉。到武汉后，我们被安排住在湖北省委第二招待所（在我们之后来的清华附中骆小海、卜大华也住这儿）。随后就有好多保守派大学生来找我，让我们支持他们。我说我们得先到大学去看一下，看完以后再做结论。我们去了好几所大学和武钢，看大字报、开座谈会，跑了几天，大家讨论的结果是：湖北省委基本是好的，应该三七开。我们就写了个草稿让他们先看看。一天早上，我们看到了《长江日报》夹带着署名宋要武等5人的公开信，非常惊讶。公开信不是我们的原稿，做了很大的改动，不但措辞激烈，还夹带着当时流行的骂人粗话。当时我一看到“宋要武”三个字，就非常气愤，立即去湖北省委找到负责同志询问。他和我谈了很长时间，声泪俱下地说：“我们跟着毛主席爬雪山过草地，抗战八年吃了多少苦，牺牲了多少同志，现在要打倒我们，我们怎么会是反党、反毛主席的人呢？”*

I went to Wuhan in early September 1966. Upon arrival, we were accommodated in a provincial hotel.  After us, Luo Xiaohai and Bu Dahua of the High School Attached to Qinghua University also arrived and stayed there. College students defending the provincial committee came to see us for our support. I said we had to visit universities, to reach conclusion.  We visited several universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, reading big-character posters and calling conferences. We discussed after a few days, and the conclusion was: Hubei Provincial Committee basically was good, with 30% failure and 70% success. We drafted an article for them to read. In a morning, we read an open letter in the Yangtze Daily, signed by Song Yaowu and other 4 people, and were very surprised. The open letter was not our draft but very different from it. Not only wording was intense, but also mixed with prevalent vulgar language. I was very upset when seeing ‘Song Yaowu’, and immediately went to the provincial committee to talk the person in charge. He talked to me for a long time, and cried: ‘We followed Chairman Mao to climb the snowy mountains, cross the grassland, go through the hardship in anti-Japan war, and many comrades have died. Now they try to get to us. How can we be anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao?’

*说老实话，我非常同情他们，不相信他们会是反党反毛主席的走资派。我说，我们可以声明支持省委，但你们也要实事求是，那个公开信不是我写的，你们不能以我的名义发表，而且我也不叫“宋要武”。他们同意我写一份声明，然后交给省委印发。当晚我就写好了声明，我觉得湖北省委是好的，不同意打倒湖北省委，也不愿意看到两派群众的对立。可是他们突然通知我，说我父亲病重，火车票已经给我们5人买好了，我心里着急就把写好的声明交给了他们，请他们给予发表。回家一见到我妈，就问我爸得了什么病，我妈说你爸没病啊。我这才明白，实际上是湖北省委想支走我。*

Frankly, I was very sympathetic with them, and didn’t believe they were capitalist-roaders of anti-Party and anti-Chairman Mao. I said that we could make a statement to support the provincial committee, but they had to be realistic, too. I didn’t write the open letter. It could not be published in my name. And my name was not Song Yaowu.  They agreed that I would write a statement, and gave to the provincial committee to print and distribute. At that night I finished writing the statement, saying the Hubei Provincial Committee was good, and I didn’t agree to knock it down, and didn’t like to see the opposition of the two factions of people, either. But they suddenly told me that my father was very sick, and they had purchased the train tickets for us five people. I worried a lot, and gave them the statement, and asked them to publish. Arriving home, I asked what the matter was with my father. My mom answered that my father was not sick. At that time I realized that the Hubei Provincial Committee was trying to send me away.

*我跟妈妈讲了经过，她劝我以后不要再提这事了。妈妈说他们那样做的确不对，但他们是在危难关头，已经被斗、被打、被逼无奈了，处于那种情况下，他们不得不出此下策，就是想利用“宋要武”的名声保自己，而你却那么较真儿，还要写什么声明，人家是拿你没办法了才想的招儿。听了妈妈的话，我觉得我可以理解这件事，自那以后我从没提过武汉之行，直到现在。

I told my mom about the trip. She advised me not to mention it again. She said it was incorrect for them to do this, but they were at a juncture of calamity, had been denounced and beaten up, and had no way out. Under that circumstance, they adopted this trick of taking advantage of the name of Song Yaowu to protect themselves. But I took it too earnestly, and intended to publish a statement. Without any other way out, they sent me away.  Listening to mother’s words, I felt to be able to understand those people. Since then I never discussed the trip to Wuhan, until now. 

主持人：我这里有那份夹在《长江日报》中的传单，题目是《致北京、武汉革命同学的公开信》，全文不到3000字，公开信发表时间是1966年9月6日，署名宋要武  华小康  刘静梓  朱培  潘小红，后4人是高一2班学生。

Host: I have here the pamphlet inserted in the Yangtze Daily, in the title of ‘An open letter to the revolutionary students in Beijing and Wuhan’. The whole letter consists of less than 3000 characters. The letter was published on September 6, 1966, and was signed by Song Yaowu, Hua Xiaokang, Liu Jingzi, Zhu Pei and Pan Xiaohong. The latter four people were students from class 2 of senior high grade 1.

刘进：刘静子（传单写成刘静梓）写过文章，说到当年的事。她们到武汉后，借了几辆自行车，去武汉大学、华中工学院等多所高校和武钢看大字报，开座谈会，讨论湖北省委到底该不该打倒，取得了共识，认为是革命的就打不倒。但对省委的功过多少开，意见是分歧的。*

Liu Jin: Liu Jingzi wrote an article about the trip. After arriving in Wuhan, they borrowed a few bicycles and went to University of Wuhan, Central China Engineering College, several other universities and Wuhan Steel Factory, to read big-character posters, call conferences, and discuss whether the provincial committee needed to be knocked down. Consensus was reached that the provincial committee should not be knocked down as it was revolutionary. But there were different opinions on the provincial committee’s merits and demerits.

*宋彬彬被省委叫去谈话，回来后心情激动，把原来的三七开变成了二八开。宋彬彬和张小康——传单上是华小康，一人执笔一人口述，开始打草稿，内容多为分析和说理，写得像温吞水。她们没想到草稿变成铅字公开发表时，文章不但被改得面目全非，而且还有很多骂人的话，是杀气腾腾的“右派宣言”。当她们拿到传单时“全体都傻了，尤其忘不了宋彬彬的表情”，大家一致认为得写个声明，说清文章不是她们写的，不能代表她们的观点。后来，湖北省委给她们买好了火车票，把她们打发走了。

Song Binbin was invited by the provincial committee to talk. She was excited when coming back. She changed the original 30% failure versus 70% success to 20% failure versus 80% success. Song Binbin and Zhang Xiaokang started to draft an article, with one person dictating and the other writing. The content mostly was analysis and reasoning, so was quite mild. But they never expected that when the draft was published, it was totally changed, and lots of names callings were added. It became an ultra-rightist declaration. They were all stunned when seeing the pamphlet, in particular Song Binbin’s expression. All of them thought they had to write a statement, to say they didn’t write the article.  It was not their opinion. Later, the Hubei provincial committee purchased train tickets, and sent them away.

主持人：我看这事一说就清楚了，湖北省委扛不住了，想利用北京来的学生，特别是“宋要武”这三个字，震慑一下造反的本地学生。从8月19日声明退出“筹委会”以后到文革结束，除了武汉事件以外，还有与你有关的事吗？

Host: This matter is clear. The Hubei Provincial Committee was not able to work by itself, and intended to intimidate the local rebel students with students from Beijing, particularly ‘Song Yaowu’.  From announcing to withdraw from the ‘Prep. Committee’on August 19 to the end of cultural revolution, did you take part in any other relevant activities, besides the trip to Wuhan?

宋彬彬：没有。关于我在文革初期参与的活动，基本上就是这些。请允许我利用这个机会，在此郑重声明：我从来没有参加或组织过任何打人、抄家、斗同学等暴力或过激行动；除了武汉这件事以外，我也没有参与过外地红卫兵、保守派或造反派的任何活动。

Song:  No. That’s all of my activities in the early cultural revolution. I would take this opportunity to make a statement: I’ve never taken part in or organized any violence or radical activities such as beating, searching house or denouncing students. Except for the trip to Wuhan, I’ve never taken part in any activities of conservative or rebel factions in other places.

叶维丽：去年《南方周末》有一篇纪念汶川地震一周年的文章， 题目叫《不要让地震成为一个传说》，我读后就想，我们也不能让文革成为一个传说。关于宋彬彬的事情，今天确实成了传说。

Ye Weili: Last year,‘The Southern Weekend’ published an article to mark the 1^st anniversary of the Wenchuan earthquake.  The title is’Don’t let the earthquake to become a legend. We should not allow the cultural revolution to become a legend, either.  Song Binbin has indeed become a legend.

主持人：前年我看到王容芬女士的一篇文章，文中提到了原师大女附中老师林莽（又名陈洪涛）讲的一件事：文革中宋彬彬穿着绸衬衫、花裙子，身旁站着高大的男生，提审他和一位历史老师。他遭到了那个大个男生和几个女红卫兵的毒打。那天夜里他决定和母亲一起触电自杀，但没死成。林莽的这一说法完全是张冠李戴。那位历史老师证实，林莽讲的事情发生在1968年下半年工宣队进校后“清理阶级队伍”时期。当时66届学生基本离校，部分就业，大部下乡插队。学校恢复招生，就近入学，才有了男生。事实上，该历史老师也并没有和林莽一起被提审过，林先生更不可能见过宋彬彬——那时候，宋彬彬已被“四人帮”的亲信软禁在沈阳。可见，王容芬的文章中所写的宋彬彬也是关于她的传说之一。

Host: In the year before last, I read an article by Ms. Wang Rongfen, which mentioned a story by Lin Mang (another name of this person is Chen Hongtao). During the culture revolution, Song Binbin once wore silk shirt and fancy skirt, with a tall boy student standing by her, interrogated Lin and a teacher of history. He was beaten up by the boy student and several female red guards. That night he decided to commit suicide with electricity together with his mother, but failed to die.  That teacher of history has verified that the event happened after the worker propaganda team came to the school in 1968 when all graduates of 1966 had left. Some worked in Beijing, most went to the countryside. The school had recruited new students including both boys and girls. In fact, that teacher of history was not interrogated with Lin Mang. Mr. Lin was not possible to meet Song Binbin, either.  At that time, Song was house arrested in Shenyang by the Gang of Four’s accomplice. Obviously, Wang Rongfen’s article is another legend of Song Binbin.  

宋彬彬：我接着把自己的事大概讲一下。1967年初，邓小平被打倒后，江青把我父亲打为东北最大的走资派。她在一次会上大骂我父亲保刘邓，反毛主席，还说宋任穷的鬼女儿跑到武汉去保湖北省委如何如何。1968年4月初，我和母亲被“四人帮”的亲信押送到沈阳，妈妈被关押在东北局替爸爸挨批斗，不许回家，后来又被押到干校劳改。而我被软禁起来，不允许和外界有任何联系。

Song: Let me continue my story.  In early 1967 after Deng Xiaoping was down, Jiang Qing labeled my father as the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. In a meeting she scolded my father of protecting Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, and said that Song Renqiong’s daughter went to Wuhan to protect the Provincial Committee of Hubei. In early April 1968, my mother and I were escorted to Shenyang. Mom was locked up in the building for Northeast China, to be criticized and denounced for Father, and was not allowed to come home, and later was sent to cadre school to do physical labor.  I was house arrested, and not allowed any outside contact.   

1969年初冬的一个夜里，我在弟弟妹妹的帮助下，女扮男装从家里偷跑出来，到内蒙牧区投奔同学。我人还没到谣言就先到了，说宋要武杀人放火、强奸妇女、无恶不作，许多老乡都很害怕，不敢要我。因为我是逃到那儿的，落不了户口，就没有安置费，没有口粮，干活也没有工分。青年点的北京知青把他们的衣物、口粮匀给我，后来我也得到牧民们的帮助和保护，终于落下了户口。

At a night in early winter 1969, with the help of younger brother and sister, I made up a boy and fled home, to seek shelter with classmates at the grazing land in Inner Mongolia. Rumors arrived before me. It was said that Song Yaowu would kill people, set fire to houses, rape women, and do all the evil things. Many villagers feared of taking me. As I ran away to there and was not able to register residency, thus has no settlement fees, no ration, and no work points for working, either. The youth from Beijing gave me their clothes and ration. Later I also got the help and protection from the herdsmen, and finally registered residency.  

1972年大学开始招工农兵学员。当时我父母被关押在辽宁盘锦的军队农场，因为父亲的问题和关于我的谣言，我这个女附中的高三毕业生，根本不敢奢望能上大学。出乎意料的是，我这样境遇的人，在知青、牧民老乡们和招生老师的帮助下，竟然成为“工农兵学员”！盟招生办的蒙古族金老师的话使我终生难忘：“在这种境况下你还能得到这么多人的信任与真心相助，你绝不该放弃理想与希望，要坚信：谣言只能是谣言，永远成不了事实。群众的眼睛是雪亮的，历史一定会还你一个清白！”一个素不相识的人敢对我讲出这样的话来，我的心灵受到了震撼，感动难以言表。从入学到毕业，长春地质学院的领导与师生们，用真诚的友爱支持着我，他们顶住了“四人帮”在东北的亲信（毛远新）不断施加的高压，保护了我这个东北最大走资派的女儿，他们的善良、正直和敢于担当，让我铭记终生，感恩终生。

Universities started to enroll worker-peasant-soldier students in 1972. At the time my parents were imprisoned in a military farm in Liaoning Province. Because of Father’s problem and rumors about me, I didn’t extravagantly hope to attend college, even though I was a student of senior high grade 3 at the High School for Girls. Unexpectedly, with the help of educated young people, herdsmen and the recruiters, I became a worker-peasant-soldier college student. Teachers Jin, the Inner Mongolian recruiter, told me: ‘Under such circumstances you still got so many people’s trust and sincere help. Don’t give up ideals and hopes. Rumors are only rumors, but never become reality. Eyes of the mass are sharp. The history will prove your innocence.’ A stranger could say such words to me. I was deeply moved. From entering school to graduation, the leaders, teachers and students supported me with sincere love and friendship.  They went against the pressure from the accomplice of Gang of Four in Northeast China, protecting the daughter of the biggest capitalist-roader in Northeast China. I will always remember their kindness, upright and courage.  

文革中的经历让我只想远离喧嚣，认认真真地工作，清清白白地做人。我不经商不从政，不想出名不想升迁。我只和岩石、空气、数据打交道，对身边的人，我一律坦诚相待。但树欲静而风不止，无论我走到哪儿，谣言和谩骂都永远相伴。一方面我很迷茫、很苦恼，很无望，另一方面，我也感受到了周围人的理解与支持，是他们给了我温暖和生活的信心，使我能走过这四十多年的沟沟坎坎。

My experience in the cultural revolution makes me intend to leave the noise, to work hard and lead a quiet life. I didn’t do business, politics, and was not interested in fame and promotion. I only dealt with rocks, air and data, and honestly treated all people around me. But the tree may prefer calm but the wind keeps blowing. Wherever I went, rumors and abuses always followed. I was perplexed, distressed and hopeless on one hand, but on the other I felt the understanding and support from the people around me.  They gave me warmth and confidence for life which led me walk through the tough life for more than 40 year

我到美国读书后也遇到了同样的困扰。刚一下飞机，华人办的《世界日报》等，就掀起了许多谣言。还有国内的访问学者向中国大使馆告我，说我到美国上学拿的是CIA的钱，大使馆曾上报中央，有关部门也对我进行过调查。那时为了挣学费，我除了在学校做助教（一周工作20个小时），还在犹太人家中做了四年多的帮佣，做饭打扫遛狗带孩子，什么都干过。中国大使馆曾去我就读的美国学校BC（Boston College，波士顿学院）调查，学校作证，说我做助教是校方出的奖学金。当时我的系主任非常生气，说向大使馆告我属于特务行为，他一定要我讲出是谁告的我，学校要开除这种人。我坚持不说，不想给别人找麻烦。我去MIT（麻省理工学院）上学后，跟周围访问学者的关系都很好。当地华人期刊或报纸刊登关于我的谣言时，他们都非常愤怒，有人还要写文章替我澄清。我不想再搅得沸沸扬扬，成为焦点，只想安静地做自己的事。

I encountered same type of trouble after coming to study in the U.S. Immediately stepping off the airplane, the Chinese-language newspaper, the World Journal, spread a lot of rumors on me. Some visiting scholars from China reported to Chinese embassy on me, saying that I was attending the American school with CIA’s funding. Chinese embassy reported the allegation to CCP’s central committee.  CCP’s relevant department investigated me. At that time I worked on campus 20 hours per week as teaching assistant. In addition, I worked as maid for a Jewish family for 4 years, by doing everything, including cooking, cleaning, walking dogs and baby-sitting. Chinese embassy went to my school, Boston College, to investigate me.  The school proved that my assistantship was from the school.  My department chair was very angry, saying reporting to Chinese embassy was spying.  He insisted that I told him who that person was, and the school would expel him/her. But I didn’t tell him, because I didn’t want to make trouble for other people. After moving to MIT, I kept good relationships with the visiting scholars from China. When the local newspapers or magazines published rumors on me, they became very angry.  Some of them wanted to write articles to clarify. I didn’t like to attract attention, but only do my own things quietly.

在美国多年中，BBC等许多新闻机构的记者都曾想采访我，被我拒绝了。网上怎么骂我、侮辱我、评论我，我也都不理睬。2002年，我的一些美国朋友告诉我，在美国许多大学图书馆看到了一本美国出版的关于性学的研讨文集，这本书是西方许多大学的参考书。书中有一篇美国学者Emily Honing的文章，内容以女附中8月5日事件为例研究女性暴力。Honing从没到北京和师大女附中做过调查，她的主要依据是一篇女附中原高一3班学生写的文章。美国朋友们认为她对我的指控很能吸引西方人的眼球，以致西方学者读此文后都确信宋彬彬就是八五暴力事件的组织者。因此，不单是Honing，连为此书作序的一位世界著名的性学权威，也在序言中专门挑出Honing的文章，以我和我父亲为例来讨论问题。*

During many years in the U.S., reporters from BBC and other mass media intended to interview me. I refused all of them. I didn’t respond to the abuses, humiliation and comments on the Internet. In 2002, some American friends told me that they read a book of article collection in some university libraries. This was a reference book in many universities. An article about women violence in the book by Emily Honing was a research based on the August 5 incident at the High School for Girls. Honing had never been to Beijing and the High School for Girls for investigation. Her major source was from an article written by a student at class 3 of senior high grade 1. My American friends said her accusation against me could attract western readers, and many western scholars believed that Song Binbin was the organizer of the violent August 5 Incident at the High School for Girls. Thereafter, not only Honing, but also an authority on sex studies mentioned Honing’s article, in the preface for the book, to discuss the question by taking me and my father as examples.

*当时许多在美国的中国学者都很气愤，说以前你可以不说话，因为那些都是小道消息或是谣言，现在野史变成了正史，而且是在西方正式出版，西方大学都用它来当参考书，你要再不出来说话就不行了。原来我是拒绝接受一切采访的，但这次我觉得应该为自己做辩护。

At that time many Chinese scholars in the U.S. were very angry. They said to me that I didn’t speak out before, because all were rumors and information without normal sources. But now the unofficial history had become official. The book had been published in the West, and become a reference book in all Western universities. You had to speak out. I used to deny any interviews. But this time I thought I had to defend myself.      

朋友们都认为Honing的文章和此书的序言是严重失实的，影响广泛而恶劣。许多人建议我以失职、诬告及名誉诽谤罪起诉作者、序作者和出版社，有人帮我联系好了律师。后经一位美国朋友居中沟通，使我了解到，Honing是错在没有去北京和女附中实地调查，偏信了别人的文章；而出版社和序作者又都相信了Honing和前面那篇文章，他们都承认犯了学者不该犯的错误。由于美国朋友的调停，我最终没有走法律程序，同意了由作者、序作者和出版社在一家著名学术刊物《亚洲研究通讯》（Asian Studies Newsletter）上向我公开道歉（译文和原文附后）。

All my friends thought Honing’s article and the book’s preface were very untrue. The influence was wide and vile. Many people proposed to sue the author, the preface author and the publisher for dereliction of duty, false accusation and reputation slander. Some one arranged a lawyer for me. Later from an American friend, I learned that Honing didn’t come to Beijing and the High School for Girls to conduct investigation, but mistakenly trusted another person’s article. And the publisher and preface author believed in Honing and that article. They all admitted that they had made mistakes that scholars shouldn’t have. Thanks to mediation of my American friends, eventually I didn’t take the case to court, but agreed that the author, preface author and publisher publish an apology in a well-known academic publication, the Asian Studies Newsletter. The letter is attached to the end of this article.    

主持人：最后一个问题，我的朋友对你在卡玛电影里的表现不理解，既然你在多年里一直被妖魔化，为什么不利用那次机会为自己辩诬？

Last question. My friends don’t understand your behavior in Karma’s film. As you have been demonized for many years, why did you not defend yourself in the film?

宋彬彬：卡玛拍《八九点钟的太阳》之初曾想采访我，我拒绝了。后来，卡玛的片子已基本制作完成，又临时加进对我的采访，带到柏林电影节去剪辑的。在卡玛片子里，我没有露面，只大致做了一些声明以澄清谣言，之所以这样做是因为我有所顾虑：当时我儿子在美国上学，我在州环保部工作。“911”之后我所工作的小单位任务非常繁重，我们是一个人干两三个人的活，就连周末、节假日或是大暴风雪都要轮流工作，常常累得不行。卡玛的电影要在美国公共电视台播出，我若一露面，我们单位将会成为社会关注的焦点，那工作还怎么干？我不想在美国再次成为公众人物，再次陷入舆论的漩涡和媒体的注视中，不想伤害我的家人和孩子，也绝不想因我而扰乱单位及同事的正常工作和生活，所以我不能在卡玛片子里露面，这就是当时的考虑，没想到却引发了更大一轮的误解和攻击。

Song: At the beginning of shooting the ‘Sun in the Morning’, Karma intended to interview me. I refused. Later, when making of the movie was nearly complete, she added the interview to it, and took it to Berlin for editing. I didn’t appear in the movie, but only made voice statement, to deny some rumors. I had reason for doing this way. At the time my son was attending school in the U.S., and I was working at the environmental department of the state government. After 911, we had too much work at the office. One worker had assignment of two or three persons, and had to be on duty on weekends, holidays and snowstorms. I was very tired. Karma’s movie will be broadcasted in America’s public TV stations. If I had appeared in the movie, my company would become a social attraction, how could we work? I didn’t want to become a public figure in the U.S., so could not appear in Karma’s movie. This was my consideration at that time, but didn’t expect another bout of misunderstanding and attacks.  

叶维丽：冯敬兰在访谈开场时讲到关于卞仲耘之死两个版本。我也想在这里简单讲讲为什么在王友琴已经写出了文章后，我仍然想做这个题目。我做这件事，实际上是我梳理自己和我们这代人成长过程的一个延伸。卞的死让我受到太深刺激，深到很多年后还做噩梦。既然是梳理成长史，就绕不过这个重大事件。我是学历史的，很想把这个事件放到当年的历史情境中去看。虽然王友琴已经写了文章，但我想，关于文革的研究，做的人不是太多，而是太少，多一些人来研究同一件事，可以加深我们对问题的理解。

Ye Weili:  Feng Jinglan talked about the two versions of the death of Bian in the opening statement. I would like to talk about why after Wang Youqin had published an article, I still wanted do this topic. In fact, to do it is an extension of reorganizing my and our generation’s development.  I was deeply saddened by the death of Bian, and still had nightmares many years after.  Reorganizing my history cannot circumvent this important incident. I am a student of history, and like to put this incident to the historical environment of those years. Wang Youqin had published her article. But I thought that research on the cultural revolution was not too much, but too little. When an event was studied by more people, we would have better understanding of it.

在做调查的过程中，我直接感受到了文革在当今社会的被漠视和被遗忘。我曾到女附中校史室找卞校长的照片，校史办工作人员听说过卞校长是文革中被打致死的，但她又说：“是大学生来打的吧？”这位工作人员的父亲是当年的校医，姨母是8月5号被打的校领导之一，她的工作是管理校史，尚且无知到这种地步。这种情况令人震惊，也更加促使我一定要做这个题目。我想在反抗遗忘这一点上，我和王友琴应该有不少共同的想法。

In my investigation, I’ve seen that the cultural revolution is ignored and forgotten. When I was looking for Principal Bian’s photo at the office of school history of the High School for Girls, a worker had heard that Principal Bian was beaten to death in the cultural revolution, but said: ‘Did university students come here to do it?’ This worker’s father was the school doctor. Her aunt was one of the school leaders who were beaten up on August 5, 1966. She was so ignorant as a worker of school history. The situation was shocking, which drove me to do this topic. In the matter of resisting forgetfulness, Wang Youqin and I share same opinions.  

最近，有人提出来追查卞案中“凶手”的问题。我想说，我们面临的问题远比揪出几个“凶手”更为复杂。这些年我一直在问，为什么一所优秀女校的学生会成为施暴者？是什么样的教育导致我们中的一些人做出那样伤天害理的事？我的小书《动荡的青春》在一定意义上试图回答这个问题。在调查了解卞校长之死的过程中，我发现这也是很多校友们共同的问题，我们都在追问。我觉得追问这些问题更有意义。

Recently some people proposed to investigate the killers of the incident. It is my opinion that our question is more complex than catching several killers. I have been thinking in these years that why students from an excellent school for girls could become violent beaters? What type of education caused some of us did such bloody atrocities? I tried to answer these questions in my book ‘The Turmoil of Youth’. In my investigation of the death of Principal Bian, I ‘ve found it a question being asked by many alumni. We are all seeking answers. So I find it quite significant to ask these questions.   

2002年开始做调查后，我得到过很多人的帮助。冯敬兰帮我联系了我们班十来位同学，听她们讲述当年目击的情形。于羚也介绍我采访了一些高中的同学。 2002年夏天一个偶然的机会我碰到刘进。我“八五”那天不在校，没看见卞校长躺在垃圾车上惨不忍睹的形状，给我刺激最深的是刘进第二天在广播里讲的一句话，“死了就死了。”那天见到刘进，我问了心中存了很久的问题：你那天说没说过“死了就死了”？对我这个陌生人突如其来的提问，刘进回答，“说了”，毫无闪烁其辞。她同时告诉我这句话的来历。刘进坦诚的态度给我留下了很好的印象。此后刘进对我的调查一直非常支持，包括帮我联系访问宋彬彬。

I have been helped by many people since I started the investigation in 2002. Feng Jinglan helped me contact more than 10 classmates who told me what they saw about the incident. Yu Ling also introduced me to some students of senior high. In the summer 2002 I met Lin Jin by chance. I was not in school on August 5, 1966, so didn’t see the miserable status of Principal Bian in the garbage cart. What she said in the broadcast speech stimulated me the most: ‘dead is dead.’ When seeing Liu Jin that day, I asked her the question that had been in my mind for a long time, ‘Did you say ‘dead is dead’ that day?’ To this sudden question from a stranger, Liu Jin answered: ‘yes, I did’, with no attention to deny. Then she explained to me why she said it. She left me a good impression with her honest attitude. Later Liu Jin was very helpful to my investigation, including helping me contact and visit Song Binbin.   

我也感谢卞校长丈夫王晶垚先生对我的信任和对我调查工作的帮助。作为卞校长的遗属，他在难以想象的危难条件下，为他的亲人、也为所有的文革受难者留下了血证。看着他在胡杰的影片中一件一件拿出卞校长当天的衣物时，我既感动，又敬佩。就凭这一条，老爷子做出了历史贡献。我愿意在这里感谢所有帮助我的人，大家都在拒绝遗忘，正视历史。

I am also grateful for Mr. Wang Jinggui, husband of Principal Bian’s help for my investigation. As Principal Bian’s relative, he kept the blood evidence for other relatives and the victims of the cultural revolution, under the extremely difficult circumstances. In Hu Jie’s film, he took out Bian’s clothes one piece of Principal’s after another. I was moved, and admired him. Mr. Wang made historical contribution. I like to thank all people who have helped me. We all refuse to forget, and look at the history.  

主持人：八五事件已经成为一段历史，它不仅提供了一个文革暴力的典型，也在政治、历史、文化、教育、心理、性别等诸多方面的研究上提供了特殊的样本。不仅仅是卞校长的不幸让我们深思，那些加害于她的学生，从另一方面也展现了典型的意义。我想起一个参与殴打老师的同学，不少人记住了她的名字。她长得很漂亮，像电影《苦菜花》里的女英雄赵星梅。她后来是全校最出名的“反动学生”，我在1968年3月28日的日记里记着她的主要“反动言论”：二十年后看高低；中央文革正确与否几十年后才能证明；由种种理论推断，中国必然要出修正主义。*

The August 5 Incident has become history.  It provides not only a typical case of violence in the cultural revolution, but a model for research on politics, history, culture, education, psychology and gender. No only Principal Bian’s misery makes us think deeply, but also those students torturing her, have also displayed typical significance. I remember a student beating up the teachers.  Many people remember her name. She was a beautiful girl, looking like Zhao Xingmei, the heroine in the movie ‘The Bitter Flower’. Later she became the most famous ‘reactionary student’of the school. Her major ‘reactionary speech’ was recorded in my diary of March 28, 1968: ‘We must wait 20 year to see who will win and lose. Whether the CCP’s Central Group for Cultural Revolution is correct only can be proved dozens of years later. Deduced from various theories, revisionism will definitely appears in China.’

*我在4月2日的日记里再次写到她当天在阶梯教室被斗争的情形，她的胳膊被同学架起成“喷气式”，她愤怒地仰起挣得通红的脸大声分辩：“中央文革的大方向对不对，就是二十年后才能看！”后来我们陆续上山下乡了。几年后，听说她疯了。因文革而精神错乱的同学，还有前面提到的高三4班反工作组的李黎黎，后来她又患上红斑狼疮，在下乡到北大荒的第二年，因服药过量辞世，年仅22岁。初三4班同学闻佳，因“反革命罪”险遭枪决，文革结束虽然平反释放，但精神错乱而致终生不幸。今天想到她们，我仍会心痛。卞校长遇难的第三年——1968年我下乡北大荒后，陆续听到了母校在“清队”中不断有老师被迫自杀的消息，记得是四位，其中语文特级教师周学敏（女）创立过“周学敏教学法”，最年轻的胡秀正（女）老师才三十出头。这就是万劫不复的文革。

My diary on April 2 again described that she was criticized and denounced that day.  Her arms were hold backward by students. She angrily lifted her head and spoke loud: ‘We have to wait another 20 years to see whether the central group of cultural revolution is correct.’Later we gradually went to countryside. A few years after, we heard she was insane. Aforementioned Li Lili from class 4 of senior high grade 3, who was opposed to the work team, also became insane due to the cultural revolution. Later she caught the lupus sebaceous, and died of drug overdose at the age of 22 after settling down in the countryside in northeastern China. Wen Jia, a student from class 4 of junior high grade 3, nearly received capital punishment. She was released after the cultural revolution, but was insane. I felt sad when I think of them. I settled down in the countryside in 1968, three years after Principal Bian died. From there, I heard that some teachers committed suicide. I remember there were 4 of them. Of them, Zhou Xuemin, a special class language teacher who created ‘Teaching Method of Zhou Xuemin’, and Hu Xiuzheng, only in her early 30s when she died. This is the evil cultural revolution.

今天，我们五个不同家庭背景、不同成长经历的校友走到一起，共同完成了一个久蓄于胸的宿愿——把真实的记忆留下来。我们深知，道德激情不等于历史真相，群体义愤不能代替理性思考。没有哪个人可以垄断历史的解释权，也没有哪个人可以完全、永久地真理在握。正是基于这一认识，我们谨怀殷切诚挚之心，期待着校友、知情者和方家学者的批评指正。

Today, we five alumni with different family background and life experience, come together to fulfill a long-delayed desire – to leave the true memories behind. We know that moral enthusiasm is not historical facts. Collective indignation must not replace rational pondering. Nobody can monopolize the explanation of history, nor hold the truth in hand forever.  Exactly based on this knowledge, we are sincerely expecting criticism and correction from our alumna, informants and scholars.

 《An Apology to Song Binbin》

-- Asian Studies Newsletter, Spring Issue, 2003. Volume 48, Number 2, P38  www.aasianst.org

“The contributors and editors of Chinese Femininities/Chinese Masculinities (University of California Press, 2002) listed below would like to publicly apologize to Song Binbin and her family for including in the first printing of the book statements that presented Ms. Song as responsible for violent acts that occurred near the start of Cultural Revolution. Including these statements in the book was a serious error in judgment. Furthermore, new information has come to light, in the form of interviews conducted by the Long Bow Group for their documentary film “Morning Sun,” that directed contradicts the notion that Ms. Song was involved in acts of violence. The editors are very sorry for the offense given and distress caused to Ms. Song and her family. The University of California Press joins in apologizing for this situation. An errata sheet is being included in the remaining copies of the first printing of the book, and when it goes into a second printing, the offending passages on pages I and 259 will be stricken or changed. This statement has been issued by the editors listed below both to express their regret to Ms. Song and her family for any distress cause and also to ask anyone who purchased the book to please disregard the statements in question.”

Susan Brownell, Emily Honing，Thomas Laqueur, and Jeffrey Wasserstrom.

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Photo: Song Binbin, painting by Professor Xu Weixin.