Saturday, April 19, 2014

Putin's Greater Russia.

This is the official Kremlin English translation of Vladimir Putin's 2005 "state of the nation" speech.http://archive.kremlin.ru/eng/speeches/2005/04/25/2031_type70029type82912_87086.shtml
It is this speech that is the source for Putin's characterization of the significance of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost invariably Putin is quoted as saying that "the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century." In researching this tonight, I learned that those words are an Associated Press translation. The official translation is:

"Above all, we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster of the century."
I have not thought through the significance of the difference in wording because I have read the entire speech and find more significance in these passages, entirely new to me, perhaps to you also:

"I consider the development of Russia as a free and democratic state to be our main political and ideological goal."
...
"Many thought or seemed to think at the time that our young democracy was not a continuation of Russian statehood, but its ultimate collapse, the prolonged agony of the Soviet system."

[I have only read the entire speech once. I have read this passage several times. Both in context and standing alone, I do not understand it.]
"Above all else Russia was, is and will, of course, be a major European power. Achieved through much suffering by European culture, the ideals of freedom, human rights, justice and democracy have for many centuries been our society's determining values.
For three centuries, we – together with the other European nations – passed hand in hand through reforms of Enlightenment, the difficulties of emerging parliamentarism, municipal and judiciary branches, and the establishment of similar legal systems. Step by step, we moved together toward recognizing and extending human rights, toward universal and equal suffrage, toward understanding the need to look after the weak and the impoverished, toward women's emancipation, and other social gains.
I repeat we did this together, sometimes behind and sometimes ahead of European standards."
[I understand "we" to refer to Russia and Europe "together," but it may be he means "we the Russian people."]
...
Very soon, on May 9, we shall celebrate the 60th anniversary of victory. This day can be justly called the day of civilisation’s triumph over fascism. Our common victory enabled us to defend the principles of freedom, independence and equality between all peoples and nations.
[Civilization: The WWII Allies, Europe, the world, not just the Soviet Union.]
...
It is clear for us that this victory was not achieved through arms alone but was won also through the strong spirit of all the peoples who were united at that time within a single state.

[Now he switches! Immediately he switches from "civilization" to "a single state," the Soviet Union!"]
...
But the terrible lessons of the past also define imperatives for the present. And Russia, bound to the former Soviet republics – now independent countries – through a common history, and through the Russian language and the great culture that we share, cannot stay away from the common desire for freedom.
["Russia bound to the former Soviet republics...through the Russian language!" This speech then is an early, if not the, source of the basis for Putin's vision of Greater Russia.]
...
Today, with independent countries now formed and developing in the post-Soviet area, we want to work together to correspond to humanistic values, open up broad possibilities for personal and collective success, achieve for ourselves the standards of civilisation we have worked hard for – standards that would emerge as a result  of common economic, humanitarian and legal space.
While standing up for Russia’s foreign political interests, we also want our closest neighbours to develop their economies and strengthen their international authority.
...
Our objectives on the international stage are very clear – to ensure the security of our borders and create favourable external conditions for the resolution of our domestic problems.
[And here an articulation of the paranoia behind Greater Russia: "to ensure the security of our borders." In the post-WWII era, Russia's borders have NEVER been threatened. Not by an expanding NATO, not by an expanding EU, not by America, not by the West. Never!]
...
Also certain is that Russia should continue its civilising mission on the Eurasian continent. This 
mission consists in ensuring that democratic values, combined with national interests, enrich and strengthen our historic community.
[Here, the threat of Greater Russia to the east, to the "stans," to China.]
We consider international support for the respect of the rights of Russians abroad an issue of major importance, one that cannot be the subject of political and diplomatic bargaining. We hope that the new members of NATO and the European Union in the post-Soviet area will show their respect for human rights, including the rights of ethnic minorities, through their actions.
[A direct threat to NATO! Putin's Greater Russia writ runs to wherever Russians live, to Russian-speaking people and their land: "Russians abroad," who "cannot be the subject of political and diplomatic bargaining." The new members of NATO and the EU must "respect," must treat Russian speakers wherever they live, as Russian subjects!]
Countries that do not respect and cannot guarantee human rights themselves do not have the right to demand that others respect these same rights.
[Or we will invade and conquer you as we have Ukraine. Lithuania is on the clock. Roger Cohen is back hiding under the bed.]